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4925 SW 75th Ave

Miami, FL 33155

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Pro Land Trave is a full Serivce Travel Company located in Miami, Florida. We specialized in making Dream Vactions ideas into reality from Cruises, Escorted Tours, Corporate Travel, All Inclusive Vacations and much more.

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Apro Tr avel Japan A registered Land Operator in Japan

Dear Overseas Travel Agent s ,

We are a registered land operator based in Sapporo, Hokkaido, specializing in creating unforgettable travel experiences in Japan.  Whether your clients prefer custom FIT or GRP tours, we have the expertise to cater to their needs.

Japan offers something unique for every traveler, from savoring Japanese delicacies to exploring enchanting castle towns.  Our land arrangements cover a wide variety of options, including half-day and full-day city tours, as well as side trips to culturally and historically rich sites and awe-inspiring natural wonders.

Japan's distinctive seasons showcase nature's beauty in its own way, whether it's the vibrant hues of autumn or the serene blanket of snow in winter.  And of course, the famous cherry blossoms that paint the country in breathtaking shades of pink during spring time.

Please feel free to reach out to us anytime to discuss your client's travel plans.  Our experienced team will suggest a customized itinerary that perfectly suits their preferences, ensuring a memorable journey.

​As a trusted land operator in Japan, we would like to continue building mutually beneficial business relationships in the future.

Sincerely Yours,

Apro Travel Management 

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The 15 best things to do in Kraków

Nov 21, 2023 • 9 min read

Here are the top things to do on a trip to Kraków © martin-dim / Getty Images

Crowned with an impressive royal castle and dotted with church spires and world-class museums, Kraków combines the historic with the cosmopolitan.

The streets of former Jewish quarter Kazimierz and nearby Auschwitz are sobering reminders of 20th-century tragedy, while the crowds thronging Kraków’s main square and the restaurants lining photogenic Old Town lanes buzz with 21st-century joie de vivre. Alongside heavy-hitting attractions exist simpler local pleasures: strolling alongside the Vistula River; dining on hearty home-style cooking in a retro bar mleczny (cafeteria); catching a local band at a legendary dive bar; enjoying a coffee in hipster enclave Tytano; gawping at the art nouveau architecture.

Here are the best things to do in Kraków.

1. Wawel Royal Castle and Wawel Cathedral

Overlooking Old Town from its Wawel Hill perch, what was once the seat of Polish royalty for centuries is the city’s most impressive sight, not to mention the symbol of Poland and a source of local pride. Red-roofed, turreted and ringed by a red-brick wall, this 16th-century Renaissance palace is merely the latest incarnation: royal residences on this very spot have come and gone (burned down, extended, vandalized by Swedish and Prussian armies…) since the 11th-century.

Highlights include the 16th-century tapestries and carved wooden heads in the grand state rooms, the royal private apartments that give you an intimate glimpse into the monarchs’ private lives, the crown jewels in the treasury, and the Szczerbiec (jagged sword) that’s played an essential role in Polish coronations from 1320 onwards – find it inside the vaulted Gothic armory.

Give yourself plenty of time to visit the adjoining Wawel Cathedral , where many of Poland’s kings and queens are seeing out eternity in elaborate tombs, alongside the bones allegedly belonging to the legendary Wawel dragon. The grounds are free to visit, but it’s a really good idea to book tickets for exhibits you want to see at least two weeks ahead due to their enormous popularity.

2. Główny Rynek (Main Market Square)

Surrounded by restaurants and overlooked by handsome centuries-old buildings, Główny Rynek (Main Market Square) is the focal point of Old Town, as well as Europe’s largest medieval town square. After you’re done browsing the wares inside the market building, go back to the Middle Ages by descending to the medieval-meets-the-21st-century museum beneath the square.

Clever multimedia displays, holograms and animated puppets show you medieval market stalls and teach you about vampire prevention burials. Buy your timed ticket online in advance. Free entry on Tuesdays; closed second Monday of each month.

3. Auschwitz-Birkenau

You don’t know what will touch you particularly deeply until you get there. For some, it’s the "Death Block" with its torture cells and its crematorium. For others, it’s the gas chambers and the endless rows of crematoria chimneys at Birkenau , where most of the mass killings occurred. For others still, it’s the mountains of eyeglasses and prosthetic limbs, the mass of human hair collected from victims to be used in textile production, and piles of battered suitcases with home addresses written on them by those for whom this Nazi extermination camp became their final destination.

In any case, Auschwitz is unlikely to leave you unmoved. More than a million Jews, as well as numerous Poles and Roma, were systematically killed here between 1940 and 1945, and the death camps have been preserved as a brutal, essential history lesson.

Auschwitz is reachable by bus, train and organized day tour from Kraków. While solo travelers can visit the site without a guide, it’s well worth joining a tour to get the most out of it, from the screening of the graphic 1945 documentary film by the Soviet liberators to the exhibitions in the barracks.

4. Explore Kazimierz

Southeast of Old Town, the Kazimierz neighborhood had been Poland’s most important center of Jewish culture for 500 years until mass deportation and extermination of Kraków’s Jews by the Nazis destroyed it. Largely rundown during the Communist era, Kazimierz has bounced back in recent years.

A stroll through its streets is a wonderful way to get to know its historic sights, from the restored Old Synagogue and a 19th-century Jewish cemetery with surviving tombstones to the Moorish-style Temple Synagogue and the sobering Galicia Jewish Museum that traces the history of Jews in Kraków. Browse the flea markets on Plac Nowy on the weekends, or attend a film screening or concert at Cheder during the Jewish Culture Festival.

5. Wieliczka Salt Mine

Another massively popular attraction that’s not actually in Kraków proper but is easily reachable from the city, this UNESCO-certified subterranean labyrinth of passages and chambers has been drawing visitors since the 1720s. It’s not for the claustrophobic: as part of a "tourist" tour, first-timers descend at least 125m (410ft) below the ground and spend two hours in the depths of the former mine, while return visitors can opt for a more immersive miners’ tour.

Highlights include an underground lake, chapels adorned with statues carved from the white stuff, and a salt cathedral with chandeliers. And yes, everything around you is carved from salt; we licked the wall so that you wouldn’t have to. Wieliczka Salt Mine is easily reached from Kraków by bus, train or tour. Pack a sweater.

6. Schindler’s Factory museum

You’re likely to have heard of Oscar Schindler, the German industrialist immortalized in Steven Spielberg’s 1993 film Schindler’s List . During WWII, Schindler saved more than a thousand Jewish inhabitants of the Podgorzé ghetto from deportation to the death camps by employing them at his enamel factory. Schindler's Factory museum , which was part of the Schindler’s List film set, was given a major facelift in 2010 and became one of Kraków’s must-visit museums . Book your timed slot online at least three days in advance (it’s hugely popular!), and don’t miss the superb permanent exhibition, Kraków During Nazi Occupation 1939-1945, that tells the story of everyday life, underground resistance and anti-Semitic repressions in the city during WWII.

7. Eat street food

Many cities have signature street food. Paris has its croissants, Hanoi has its bánh mì, Vienna has its käsekrainer , and Kraków has its obwarzanek . Chewy, moreish and topped either with poppy seeds or sesame seeds, Kraków’s bagels are found at stalls on every corner in Old Town, and locals will tell you which stall is likely to have the fresher lot.

But there’s more to Kraków’s street dining than bagels. For the best kielbasa (signature Polish sausage) in town, head for the Kiełbaski z Niebieskiej Nyski van in front of the Hala Targowa market on ul. Grzegorzecka. Then there’s zapiekanka – half a baguette topped with melted cheese, mushrooms and a squirt of ketchup. Poland’s answer to pizza was invented in the 1970s when basic ingredients were all you could get, but now versions with fancier toppings are ubiquitous at fast food stands. For numerous zapiekanka sellers under one roof, try the Okrąglak food court at Plac Nowy in Kazimierz.

8. Nowa Huta

If you want to see how steelworkers lived in the 1950s, catch tram 4 or 10 from central Kraków to this masterpiece of socialist-realist urban planning and Communist architecture in the east of the city. If wandering around the uniformly grey, identical blocks of flats isn't enough of a draw, take a tour of Nowa Huta in a vintage, Communist-era Trabant with Crazy Guides , who’ll take you down into the old nuclear fallout shelters and ply you with vodka.

9. Klub Awaria

Klub Awaria is the kind of dingy dive bar that your mother warned you about: a sticky-floored, vaulted-ceilinged saloon where the carpe-diem clientele will gladly press a drink into a sober stranger’s hand to help them participate in the mildly anarchic nightly revelry. Up-and-coming local blues and rock bands perform on the little stage most nights and after the band is done, there’s occasional dancing on the tables and on the bar itself by regulars to Tina Turner classics.

10. Cruise along the Vistula

The slow-flowing Vistula River bisects the city. Join locals during their morning runs along the footpaths that run alongside the river banks for several kilometers from near Wawel Royal Castle to the city’s eastern suburbs, skirting Kazimierz on the way. Alternatively, if you have local friends, you might be invited aboard a party boat with a full bar and music system; these are available for hire by groups and are essentially floating nightclubs. More easily accessible are hour-long cruises that depart below Wawel Castle Hill, showing off the city’s important landmarks, such as the Dębnicki Bridge, the Norbertine Monastery , the Manggha Museum of Japanese Art and Technology  and the Piłsudski Bridge.

11. Swim in Zakrzowek

Tall limestone cliffs and dense pine forest surround this lagoon with its clear, turquoise waters that feel a million miles away from urban life, even though it’s only a short tram ride (on route 1 or 4) to Kapelanka, southwest of Old Town. The lagoon began its life as a limestone quarry but it was deliberately flooded in 1990 after falling into disuse. It then became a popular swimming and picnicking spot for locals. It's currently undergoing renovations that won't be complete until 2023, so you can't swim or dive here at the moment, but it's perfect for a scenic picnic and some lovely out-of-town hiking.

12. Dine at a bar mleczny

Cheap, cheerful, and with seriously retro decor, a bar mleczny is a time-warp step behind the Iron Curtain into 1980s Poland – in a good way. Dotted around the city, bar melczny are dirt-cheap cafeterias, where you’ll be rubbing shoulders with locals while you load up your tray with soup, pierogi (filled dumplings), placki ziemniaczane (potato pancakes) and other hearty, belly-warming staples – all without dropping more than 10zl (around US$2). There’s a branch at Grodzka 43 in Old Town and another at Starowiślna 29 in Kazimierz.

13. Summit Kopiec Kościuszki

When you’re standing on Wawel Hill, you may notice lump-like green hills surrounding Kraków. The origins of Kraków Mounds are lost in the mists of time, but it’s believed that the oldest – Kopiec Krakusa and Wandy – were built by pagan tribes several millennia ago as part of some solar calendar: during the summer solstice, the sun rises at Wandy and sets at Krakusa. Kopiec Kościuszki is a newer mound, completed in 1823 to commemorate a fallen Polish general. Catch bus 100 to the mound for fantastic views of Wawel Castle, St Mary’s Basilica  and Główny Rynek.

14. Spend your night out finding a “lost bar”

Other cities have speakeasies, while Kraków has its “lost bars”. It’s the same idea, even though Kraków’s hidden drinking dens are a recent development. Head to the Smakolyki restaurant on Floriana Straszewskiego, find your way to the cloakroom and pass through to a hidden courtyard from which you enter Mercy Brown . It’s 1920s Kraków – all velvet couches, mood lighting, chandeliers, and cocktails from a bygone era (gin with jasmine tea cordial, anyone?). Entertainment includes burlesque shows.

15. Hang out in Tytano

Just west of Old Town, a decrepit former tobacco factory has been transformed into a pocket of hipsterdom, complete with art studios, exhibition spaces, beer gardens and brunch cafes that attract Kraków’s young and cool contingent. Check out the latest photography exhibition or fashion event, then grab a coffee from Kraków’s specialty roasters at Bonjour Cava.

This article was first published Jul 31, 2022 and updated Nov 21, 2023.

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Visas and entry requirements in europe and the schengen area.

This page is for Australians travelling to Europe.

Read this page to learn about:

• the Schengen Area
• entry and exit to the Schengen Area
• other European countries with visa waivers
• non-Schengen European countries

The Australian Government doesn't issue visas for other countries. We can't provide final information on border rules. Ask your destination's high commission, embassy or consulate for details before you travel.

The Schengen Area

The Schengen Area is made up of 27 European countries with common border rules. It lets travellers move freely between member countries without

• going through border controls
• getting a visa for each country.

The members of the Schengen Area are:

• Czech Republic
• Liechtenstein
• The Netherlands
• Switzerland

Bulgaria  and  Romania  partially joined the Schengen area on 31 March.  Border checks should have ceased for air or sea travel  between Bulgaria, Romania, and other Schengen Area countries. Checks are still undertaken for land-based travel. Stays in Bulgaria and Romania now count towards your total visa-free stay in the Schengen Area (see below).

Entry and exit in the Schengen Area

Australians can travel visa-free in the Schengen Area for up to 90 days in a 180-day period. Your travel must be for:

• business purposes
• visiting friends and family
• tourism and holidays
• cultural and sports events
• official visit
• medical reasons
• short-term study

Apply at the embassy, high commission or consulate of the country where you'll stay the longest. If you're staying for the same length of time in each country, apply at the embassy of the country you'll visit first.

You'll need to apply for a visa if:

• you're planning to stay for more than 90 days
• your reason for travel changes, and you no longer qualify for visa-free travel.

You'll need to apply outside the country you want a visa for.

Calculating your 90/180 days

Calculating your visa-free days can be complicated. The European Commission provides a calculator to help you track your visa-free days .

• The 180 days isn't fixed in time. It's calculated backwards from today.
• Your 90 days are calculated from your first day in the Schengen Area within the 180 days.
• If you leave and return within 180 days, your last stay will count towards the 90-day maximum.
• If you use up your visa-free days, you must leave until you accumulate more or apply for a visa.
• You may be fined or banned from the Schengen Area if you overstay your 90 days.

Example You arrive in Spain on 18 March. You fly to the UK on 21 April and stay there until the 29th. On 30 April, you travel to Greece and stay until 23 June. Your trip was 97 days, but only 90 were in the Schengen Area. You can't re-enter the Area until at least 14 September, when the Spanish leg of your trip falls outside your 180 days. If you re-enter on 14 September, you can only stay another 35 days as your time in Greece still counts towards your current 90 days. If you re-enter on 22 September, you can stay another 90 days, as you haven't been in the Area in the past 180 days .

Entering and exiting the Schengen Area

You must show a valid passport when entering the Schengen Area.

Your passport must be valid for at least 3 months after the date you intend to leave.

Make sure you get a clear entry stamp in your passport when you enter the Schengen Area for the first time. Without a stamp, you could be fined or detained.

Some countries need you to register within 3 days of arrival.

See our destination-specific travel advice for entry and exit details for each country. Check the European Commission for information on temporary border controls .

These visa rules only apply when travelling on your Australian passport . If you're a dual national travelling on your other passport, check the rules for that nationality.

The European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) is an electronic security system. It will do a security check before you can enter participating European countries . ETIAS is expected to start in mid-2025 if the new system is working.

You won't need an ETIAS for EU countries who aren't taking part in the program.

Other European countries with visa waivers

There are other European countries where you can travel visa-free. Travel to these countries does not count towards your 90 days for Schengen Area travel.

Countries can change their border rules at short notice. Before you travel, ask your destination's nearest embassy or consulate for the latest rules.

Visa waiver agreements with Australia

Australia has visa waiver agreements with several countries in the Schengen Area. These agreements may allow you to spend 60 to 90 days in the country for tourism.

Visa waiver agreement countries include:

Using visa waiver agreements with Schengen visa-free arrangements is complex. Each country operates the visa waiver in its own way.

Most countries need you to use the visa waiver at the end of your Schengen Area travel.

Visa-free tourism programs in non-Schengen countries

Some European countries outside the Schengen Area allow you to enter visa-free for tourism. Most let you stay up to 90 days. Some are for longer. See our country advisories for details on border rules.

• Bosnia & Herzegovina
• North Macedonia (Republic of North Macedonia)
• United Kingdom

Non-Schengen European countries

Many European countries are not part of the Schengen Area. Non-Schengen countries have their own border rules. These countries include:

Ask these countries' high commission, embassy or consulate for visa information.

• General advice on  visas .
• Before you go, get the right travel insurance .
• Read about Australia's 11 reciprocal health care agreements .
• The Schengen Area explained

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Many Australians hold two or more nationalities. If you're travelling to the country of your other nationality, find out how your citizenship can impact you.

Foreign governments often require you to get a visa before they let you enter. This page provides general advice and information about visas overseas.

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How Flu Spreads

Person to person.

People with flu can spread it to others. Most experts think that flu viruses spread mainly by droplets made when people with flu cough, sneeze, or talk. These droplets can land in the mouths or noses of people who are nearby or possibly be inhaled into the lungs. Putting physical distance  between yourself and others can help lower the risk of spreading a respiratory virus. Less often, a person might get flu by touching a surface or object that has flu virus on it and then touching their own mouth, nose, or possibly their eyes.

When Are People with Flu Contagious?

Flu viruses can be detected in most infected persons beginning one day  before  symptoms develop and up to five to seven days  after  becoming sick. People with flu are most contagious during the first 3 days of their illness. Some people, including young children and people with weakened immune systems may be contagious for longer periods of time.

Symptoms typically begin about two days (but can range from one to four days) after flu viruses infect a person’s respiratory tract. It is theoretically possible that before symptoms begin, an infected person can spread flu viruses to their close contacts. Some people can be infected with flu viruses and have no symptoms but may still be able to spread the virus to their close contacts.

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15 men brought to military enlistment office after mass brawl in Moscow Oblast

Local security forces brought 15 men to a military enlistment office after a mass brawl at a warehouse of the Russian Wildberries company in Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast on Feb. 8, Russian Telegram channel Shot reported .

29 people were also taken to police stations. Among the arrested were citizens of Kyrgyzstan.

A mass brawl involving over 100 employees and security personnel broke out at the Wildberries warehouse in Elektrostal on Dec. 8.

Read also: Moscow recruits ‘construction brigades’ from Russian students, Ukraine says

We’re bringing the voice of Ukraine to the world. Support us with a one-time donation, or become a Patron !

Read the original article on The New Voice of Ukraine

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NYC woman, 93, left with no money despite owning a 10-unit Brooklyn building, family claims

A Brooklyn immigrant’s $4 million nest egg is off-limits when she needs it most during her final years because of ineffective court-appointed guardians, her family contends.

Aleksandra Chodowiec, 93, arrived in the U.S. from her native Wroclaw in western Poland by herself in 1973 at the age of 43. She worked two jobs, in an envelope factory and cleaning Manhattan offices.

In just two years, the industrious Chodowiec saved enough dough to purchase what should have been a golden ticket: a five-story rental building with eight apartments and two commercial units in Greenpoint.

“She escaped from communism, which she hated,” said her son-in-law, Andrzej Szymanik. “She came to New York because she always wanted to come to America and fulfill her American dream – which she did!”

Chodowiec plunked down an $8,000 down payment on the Java Street building.

The $70,000 investment is now worth more than $4 million, court records show.

But now Chodowiec suffers from dementia, and the income from her lucrative property that could pay the constant care she needs is nowhere to be found, her relatives charge.

The elder woman’s affairs became subject to a state guardianship proceeding in 2018, after a family dispute erupted over Chodowiec’s care, records show.

Property guardian William Ellerton was eventually appointed by a Brooklyn judge to oversee the Java Street building, where Eva and Andrzej control one of the commercial units and other relatives live in some of the apartments.

Ellerton, who was paid $25,000 in 2020 for “temporary” work on the case before he was appointed as property guardian, has a range of powers authorized by the court, including paying for Chodowiec’s home health aides; charging fair market rent for the Java Street apartments, and establishing a budget.

It’s unclear how much Ellerton is paid to oversee the case.

But Szymanik, 71, contends that after years of oversight Ellerton has failed to rent out the units, and takes months to reimburse him and Eva for Chodowiec’s expenses — even her adult diapers.

One two-bedroom unit could rent for $3,000 to $4,000 a month, according to court papers. The building used to generate $100,000 income annually, claimed Szymanik.

He claims Ellerton has ignored prospective tenants who want to rent spaces, including a local baker interested in one of the commercial units.

“He wanted to rent it and he called many, many times and got no response,” Szymanik contended.

 The building needs substantial renovation, Ellerton told The Post.

“To produce income on an apartment, I’d think you have to fix it up,” he said, noting one of the available units was occupied by a rent-controlled tenant who died after more than three decades there, leaving it in dire need of repair.

Ellerton said he’s been waiting months for a judge to approve his requests to work with a real estate attorney and broker to determine the future of the building and that the family is opposed to selling the property.

“Among other things, I asked was for the court to address various issues including whether it should be sold,” he said, adding that the Szymaniks don’t pay rent on the commercial unit they occupy.

Things to Do in Monino, Russia - Monino Attractions

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1. The Central Air Force Museum

2. Church of St. George

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Land use changes in the environs of Moscow

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This study illustrates the spatio-temporal dynamics of urban growth and land use changes in Samara city, Russia from 1975 to 2015. Landsat satellite imageries of five different time periods from 1975 to 2015 were acquired and quantify the changes with the help of ArcGIS 10.1 Software. By applying classification methods to the satellite images four main types of land use were extracted: water, built-up, forest and grassland. Then, the area coverage for all the land use types at different points in time were measured and coupled with population data. The results demonstrate that, over the entire study period, population was increased from 1146 thousand people to 1244 thousand from 1975 to 1990 but later on first reduce and then increase again, now 1173 thousand population. Builtup area is also change according to population. The present study revealed an increase in built-up by 37.01% from 1975 to 1995, than reduce -88.83% till 2005 and an increase by 39.16% from 2005 to 2015, along w...

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Land use/Cover Change in Russia within the context of global challenges. The paper presents the results of a research project on Land Use/Cover Change (LUCC) in Russia in relations with global problems (climate change, environment and biodiversity degradation). The research was carried out at the Faculty of Geography, Moscow State University on the basis of the combination of remote sensing and in-field data of different spatial and temporal resolution. The original methodology of present-day landscape interpretation for land cover change study has been used. In Russia the major driver of land use/land cover change is agriculture. About twenty years ago the reforms of Russian agriculture were started. Agricultural lands in many regions were dramatically impacted by changed management practices, resulted in accelerated erosion and reduced biodiversity. Between the natural factors that shape agriculture in Russia, climate is the most important one. The study of long-term and short-ter...

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In recent decades, Russia has experienced substantial transformations in agricultural land tenure. Post-Soviet reforms have shaped land distribution patterns but the impacts of these on agricultural use of land remain under-investigated. On a regional scale, there is still a knowledge gap in terms of knowing to what extent the variations in the compositions of agricultural land funds may be explained by changes in the acreage of other land categories. Using a case analysis of 82 of Russia’s territories from 2010 to 2018, the authors attempted to study the structural variations by picturing the compositions of regional land funds and mapping agricultural land distributions based on ranking “land activity”. Correlation analysis of centered log-ratio transformed compositional data revealed that in agriculture-oriented regions, the proportion of cropland was depressed by agriculture-to-urban and agriculture-to-industry land loss. In urbanized territories, the compositions of agricultura...

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Despite harsh climate, agriculture on the northern margins of Russia still remains the backbone of food security. Historically, in both regions studied in this article – the Republic of Karelia and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) – agricultural activities as dairy farming and even cropping were well adapted to local conditions including traditional activities such as horse breeding typical for Yakutia. Using three different sources of information – official statistics, expert interviews, and field observations – allowed us to draw a conclusion that there are both similarities and differences in agricultural development and land use of these two studied regions. The differences arise from agro-climate conditions, settlement history, specialization, and spatial pattern of economy. In both regions, farming is concentrated within the areas with most suitable natural conditions. Yet, even there, agricultural land use is shrinking, especially in Karelia. Both regions are prone to being af...

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Geographic coordinates of Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast, Russia

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Coordinates of elektrostal in degrees and decimal minutes, utm coordinates of elektrostal, geographic coordinate systems.

WGS 84 coordinate reference system is the latest revision of the World Geodetic System, which is used in mapping and navigation, including GPS satellite navigation system (the Global Positioning System).

Geographic coordinates (latitude and longitude) define a position on the Earth’s surface. Coordinates are angular units. The canonical form of latitude and longitude representation uses degrees (°), minutes (′), and seconds (″). GPS systems widely use coordinates in degrees and decimal minutes, or in decimal degrees.

Latitude varies from −90° to 90°. The latitude of the Equator is 0°; the latitude of the South Pole is −90°; the latitude of the North Pole is 90°. Positive latitude values correspond to the geographic locations north of the Equator (abbrev. N). Negative latitude values correspond to the geographic locations south of the Equator (abbrev. S).

Longitude is counted from the prime meridian ( IERS Reference Meridian for WGS 84) and varies from −180° to 180°. Positive longitude values correspond to the geographic locations east of the prime meridian (abbrev. E). Negative longitude values correspond to the geographic locations west of the prime meridian (abbrev. W).

UTM or Universal Transverse Mercator coordinate system divides the Earth’s surface into 60 longitudinal zones. The coordinates of a location within each zone are defined as a planar coordinate pair related to the intersection of the equator and the zone’s central meridian, and measured in meters.

Elevation above sea level is a measure of a geographic location’s height. We are using the global digital elevation model GTOPO30 .

Elektrostal , Moscow Oblast, Russia

‘We Are the World Power.’ How Joe Biden Leads

You can read the transcript of the interview here and the fact-check here .

Joe Biden makes his way through the West Wing telling stories. In the Cabinet Room, with sun pouring through French doors from the Rose Garden outside, he remembers the first time he sat around the long mahogany table, its high-backed leather chairs ordered by seniority. It was more than 50 years ago, Biden says, and Richard Nixon told National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger to brief the 30-year-old first-term Delaware Senator on the still secret timing of the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. Walking slowly through the halls, the President unspools anecdotes about heads of state: Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping , Emmanuel Macron. In the Oval Office, he talks about his childhood home in Scranton, Pa., and the 2008 phone call from Barack Obama asking Biden to be his running mate.

Biden recounts these memories over the course of more than 90 minutes on a warm spring day, speaking in a quiet, sometimes scattershot way. The impression he gives is one of advancing age and broad experience, of a man who has lived history. Biden leads the U.S. as the American century is fading into an uncertain future, a changing world of threats, opportunities, and power shifts. At 81, he holds fast to a vision that has reigned since World War II, in which a rich and powerful America leads an alliance of democracies to safeguard the globe from tyranny.

On June 6, Biden will travel to Normandy, France, to memorialize an event that has served for eight decades as a focal point of this vision. He will arrive as the 12th—and certainly the last—American President who was alive on that day in 1944, when 73,000 American troops led the largest amphibious invasion in human history, accelerating Nazi Germany’s defeat and Europe’s liberation. For generations, D-Day has been a hallowed anniversary. The President says commemorating it is as much about the future as the past. “We’re playing [that role] even more,” Biden says. “We are the world power.”

Whether this view of America’s role in the world will outlast Biden’s presidency is an open question. Voters face a clear choice this November. Biden calls America’s democratic values the “grounding wire of our global power” and its alliances “our greatest asset.” His presumptive opponent, former President Donald Trump, called for withdrawing American forces in Europe and Asia and has promised, most recently in his April 12 interview with TIME, to cut loose even our closest allies if they don’t do as he tells them. By his own account, Trump sees all countries as unreliable, the relations between them transactional. That sentiment has spread throughout a Republican Party that once championed America’s values abroad. J.D. Vance, the Ohio Senator in contention to become Trump’s Vice President, tells TIME that the D-Day story has become a sepia-toned distraction. “The foreign policy establishment is obsessed with World War II historical analogies,” says Vance, “and everything is some fairy tale they tell themselves from the 1930s and 1940s.”

Buy TIME's President Biden 'If He Wins' cover here

During his 40 months in office, events have tested Biden’s vision of American world leadership. Alliances haven’t been enough to win a new European war in Ukraine. U.S. power and leverage haven’t prevented a humanitarian catastrophe in the Middle East, marked by alleged war crimes. Putin is trying to assemble an axis of autocrats from Tehran to Beijing. In China, the U.S. faces an adversary potentially its equal in economic and military power that is intent on tearing down the American global order. President Xi has told his military to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027, U.S. officials say, raising the possibility of a dark analogue to Normandy in Asia. Biden doesn’t rule out sending troops to defend Taiwan if China attacked, saying, “It would depend on the circumstances.”

Biden’s record in facing these tests is more than just nostalgic talk. He has added two powerful European militaries to NATO, and will soon announce the doubling of the number of countries in the Atlantic alliance that are paying more than the target 2% of their GDP toward defense, the White House says. His Administration has worked to prevent the war in Gaza from igniting a broader regional conflict. He brokered the first trilateral summit with long-distrustful regional partners South Korea and Japan, and coaxed the Philippines to move away from Beijing’s orbit and provide the U.S. new access to four military bases. He has rallied European and Asian countries to curtail China’s economic sway. “We have put together the strongest alliance in the history of the world,” Biden says, so that “we are able to move in a way that recognizes how much the world has changed and still lead.”

But American Presidents must earn a mandate from their fellow citizens, and it’s far from clear that Biden can. In surveys, large majorities say that he is too old to lead. As he walked TIME through the West Wing and sat for a 35-minute interview on May 28, the President, with his stiff gait, muffled voice, and fitful syntax, cut a striking contrast with the intense, loquacious figure who served as Senator and Vice President. Biden bristles at the suggestion that he is aging out of his job. Asked whether he could handle its rigors though the end of a second term, when he will be 86, he shot back, “I can do it better than anybody you know.” Age aside, Biden’s handling of foreign affairs gets poor marks from voters, and not just for the bungled withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan or the ongoing war in Gaza. While 65% of Americans still believe that the U.S. should take a leading or major role in the world, that number is down 14 points from 2003 and is at its lowest level since Gallup began polling the issue two years earlier.

Biden, who is the most experienced foreign policy President in a generation, believes that role is in America’s interest. “When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power as well as our ability to disrupt threats before they can reach our shores,” he said soon after taking office. To judge the merit of Biden’s plan to sustain American world leadership, voters can look to his record: what he has accomplished, where he has fallen short, and how he intends to build on his work in a second term.

Around 3 p.m. on Dec. 13, 2021, the White House Situation Room put through a call from Biden to his Finnish counterpart, Sauli Niinisto. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine was still more than two months away, and Finland, with its 830-mile border with Russia and tense history with Moscow, had long declined to join NATO. Less than a quarter of Finns supported entering the alliance at the time. But Biden had decided, aides say, that if Russia invaded, the West’s response should be not just to defend NATO, but to strengthen it.

On March 4, days after the invasion, Biden met with the newly enthusiastic Niinisto in the Oval Office. Together they called Swedish Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson, who had resisted joining the alliance, to try to persuade her. After both countries applied for membership in May 2022, Biden turned to getting the rest of NATO to accept them. In June, he called Turkey’s leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan from Air Force One on the way to a summit in Madrid, in hopes of getting Erdogan’s support for expanding the alliance. Dangling a one-on-one meeting, Biden said of Turkey’s long-sought access to America’s F-16 fighter jets, “Let’s find a way to get that done,” according to the White House. By March 2024, Sweden and Finland were in. “Everybody thought, including you guys, thought I was crazy,” Biden says. “Guess what? I did it.”

The accession of Finland and Sweden was part of Biden’s broader efforts to respond to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine by rallying the free world. Starting in October 2021, Biden held a series of meetings with European and NATO leaders, discussing postinvasion support for Ukraine, including military assistance, sanctions, diplomacy, and economic support. Biden also brought Asian allies into the effort. South Korea and Japan have imposed sanctions on Russia and its arms suppliers. The result, Biden advisers say, is a strengthened alliance of shared democratic values worldwide. “He has connected Europe and Asia in a way no previous President has,” says National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan.

Others view all the investment in Ukraine as a distraction from the bigger challenge America faces in East Asia. “Who doesn’t think that $200 billion spent in Europe would’ve been incredibly useful in the Pacific?” says Elbridge Colby, a former Trump Administration Pentagon official and lead architect of the 2018 National Defense Strategy. “Great nations fail,” says Lieut. General Keith Kellogg, Trump’s former National Security Adviser, when “you fix somebody else’s potholes instead of fixing your potholes.” 

Biden says he remains committed to Ukrainian victory. Asked about the war’s endgame, Biden says, “Peace looks like making sure Russia never, never, never, never occupies Ukraine.” But last year’s Ukrainian counteroffensive was a failure. Russia recently has made its largest advances since the opening months of the invasion. Alliance building may have reached its limit, along with Americans’ appetite for funding a war of attrition. Biden’s allies in Kyiv complain he has been too cautious, giving Ukraine enough weapons to survive the war but not to win it. “It’s not a decisive stance,” says a senior official in President Volodymyr Zelensky’s government. “It’s not the way to victory.”

On balance, however, even longtime critics are impressed with Biden’s efforts in Ukraine. Former Defense Secretary and CIA director Robert Gates wrote in 2014 that Biden had “been wrong on nearly every major foreign policy and national-security issue over the past four decades.” But on May 19, Gates said that Biden’s response to Russia’s invasion has gone a long way toward repairing the damage of the disastrous Afghanistan withdrawal. “He gained a lot of credibility with the speed with which he assembled the coalition of partner countries, allies, and friends before, during, and after the Russian invasion of Ukraine,” Gates told CBS’s  Face the Nation.

Biden says his response has been part of a broader deterrence strategy. “If we ever let Ukraine go down, mark my words, you’ll see Poland go, and you’ll see all those nations along the actual border of Russia [fall],” he tells TIME. But in other theaters, the high-minded Normandy vision has given way to a different kind of diplomacy.

Halfway through our interview, Biden responds to a question about America’s relationship with Saudi Arabia by saying that the U.S. has two kinds of alliances: “There are values-based, and there are practical-based.” During the campaign, Biden had sworn to make Saudi Arabia a “pariah.” One of his first moves in office was to cut off certain arms supplies over the kingdom’s war in Yemen, which has displaced 4.5 million people and killed 377,000, including 11,000 children, according to the U.N. Soon after, the de facto Saudi ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, known as MBS, met with China’s Foreign Minister and proposed greater cooperation on nuclear energy and security with Beijing, already the kingdom’s largest economic partner.

The Biden Administration quietly pivoted. A new “great game” was afoot, with the world dividing between competing Chinese and American spheres of influence. For all Biden’s efforts to stimulate a green transition, Saudi Arabia was still providing much of the world’s energy. Moreover, the Saudis had expressed willingness during the Trump presidency to normalize relations with Israel, which would tilt the regional balance of power against Iran and in the U.S.’s favor. On Sept. 27, 2021, Sullivan traveled to Saudi Arabia with instructions from Biden to explore the possibility of a peace deal between the kingdom and Israel.

Biden himself traveled to Saudi Arabia in July 2022, bucking a flurry of criticism for meeting with MBS, who has led a widespread crackdown on clerics, academics, and human-rights advocates critical of his regime, according to Human Rights Watch, and who the U.S. says ordered the murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi . But the visit helped stabilize relations. Over the course of the next year, it began to look as if Biden’s moral climb down with MBS had brought the Saudis back on the U.S. side, and restarted a possible bargain with Israel. The outlines of that deal, Biden now says, were “overwhelmingly in our interest.”

Hamas, the terrorist group that controls Gaza, was determined not to allow it. Days after its Oct. 7 attack against Israel, which killed some 1,200 people, Hamas spokesman Ghazi Hamad told TIME, “We planned for this because Israel thinks it can make peace with anyone, it can make normalization with any country, it can oppress the Palestinians, so we decided to shock the Israelis in order to wake up others.” Eight Americans were among the estimated 240 taken hostage in the massacre. The Biden Administration has sought to secure their release, but it is not clear how many of the American hostages have survived; three reportedly have been killed. “We believe there are those that are still alive,” Biden tells TIME. “I met with all the families. But we don’t have final proof on exactly who’s alive.”

Biden’s reaction to Oct. 7 was to provide rock-solid support to Israel. Within a week he had deployed two aircraft carriers to the region. Quietly, he tried to rally Egypt and Saudi Arabia to resist expansion of the conflict into a war between Israel and Iran. Biden’s “practical-based” alliance building appeared to pay off on April 13, when Iran responded to an Israeli attack on a satellite diplomatic office by launching more than 300 missiles and drones in its first-ever direct attack on Israel. The Saudis and Jordanians reportedly provided intelligence assistance and opened their airspace to U.S. and other jets. With Israel leading the way, the ad hoc alliance managed to shoot down all but four of the projectiles, with no fatalities. More important, the episode helped avert a region-wide war.

But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has upped the cost of Biden’s commitment to Israel at every turn. Nearly eight months after the conflict started, the death toll in Gaza, according to the local Hamas-led Ministry of Health, has climbed to more than 36,000 people, including an unknown number of Hamas fighters. More than 1.7 million have been displaced by Israeli attacks that have destroyed much of the enclave. On May 20, the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court requested a war-crimes indictment for Netanyahu, his Defense Minister, and three leaders of Hamas. Four days later, in a largely symbolic move, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to halt operations in Gaza . Human Rights Watch says Israel has “imposed collective punishments on the civilian population, deprived the civilian population of objects indispensable to its survival, and used starvation of civilians as a weapon of war.”

Asked if Israeli forces have committed war crimes in Gaza, Biden says, “It’s uncertain.” From the start, the Administration knew Israel was pushing the limits of legal warfare, the Washington Post and others have reported. The conflict is driving a wedge between the U.S. and its allies. On May 31, Biden laid out a phased cease-fire plan that would end the war and secure the release of hostages. He has continued to pursue the complicated regional deal with Saudi Arabia. Some close to Biden say the only holdout to the broader pact is Netanyahu. The President declines to say as much, but when asked by TIME if Netanyahu is prolonging the war for his own political reasons, Biden admits, “There is every reason for people to draw that conclusion.”

As aides try to bring the interview to a close, Biden turns to China. Hawks say Beijing is in a sprint to match American economic and military production. By some measures, it is catching up on GDP and defense manufacturing, and already has a larger navy. But Biden takes a bullish view of the competition with the rising Asian power. “Everybody talks about how, how strong China is and how powerful they are,” Biden says. “You’ve got an economy that’s on the brink there. The idea that their economy is booming, give me a break.” That doesn’t mean they can’t pose a threat. Asked if China is using AI or other means to meddle in the upcoming U.S. election, Biden says someone is, but declines to say who. Pressed, he adds, “I think China would have an interest in meddling.”

What Biden describes as China’s economic weakness could make confrontation more, not less, likely—another argument, as he sees it, for expanding America’s alliances in East Asia. And in that arena, the President has pursued a mix of “values-based” and “practical” approaches.

Biden was on Air Force One on his way to a fundraiser in Illinois on May 11, 2022, when the results of the Philippine presidential elections were announced, showing that Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. had won. Biden “had the instinct to just pick up the phone and said, ‘Hey, let’s get together soon and start building a relationship,’” Sullivan says. It was a long shot. Marcos has a pending $2 billion judgment against him in a U.S. court relating to his parents’ human-rights record during their more than 20-year dictatorship, which ended in 1986. The Philippines are now rated “partly free” by Freedom House, and the outgoing President, Rodrigo Duterte, had courted China even as Beijing claimed nearby islands and territorial waters. Marcos had sent cold signals to the U.S. during his campaign.

Biden’s call was the first Marcos had received from a foreign leader. As U.S. officials followed up, they briefed the new President on the parallels between Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and Xi’s declared goals in the South China Sea. Biden dispatched Vice President Kamala Harris and his Secretaries of State and Defense to woo Marcos. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman made clear Marcos had diplomatic immunity and would be welcome in the U.S. Less than a year after Biden’s congratulatory call, Marcos made a visit to the White House. More significantly, he provided the U.S. military new access to four bases in the Philippines. In April and May, the two countries engaged in their largest military exercises together, simulating an effort to repulse an amphibious landing. “The President got engaged early in a very personal way,” says Sullivan, “and then kind of showed both respect for him and a vision for where the relationship would go.”

Biden has pursued this brand of personal realpolitik across Asia. He elevated the communist autocracy in Vietnam to the highest diplomatic status, comprehensive strategic partner, and has moved to embrace the increasingly repressive regime of Narendra Modi in India. He has tried to boost the “Quad” alliance with India, Japan, and Australia, upgrading it from a meeting of Foreign Ministers to one of heads of state. In April 2023, Biden convened a Camp David summit with the South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida. Overcoming long-fraught relations between Seoul and Tokyo, the three countries criticized China’s behavior in the South China Sea and declared “a hinge point of history, when geopolitical competition, the climate crisis, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, and nuclear provocations test us.”

Critics say the problem is too much friend making and not enough deterrence. The U.K. recently said China may be preparing to provide lethal aid to Russia, a move that Biden said in March 2022 would put Xi “in significant jeopardy” of harsh U.S. sanctions. “The single biggest problem with the Biden team is their failure to grasp what it takes to achieve effective deterrence against aggressors,” says Matt Pottinger, who was Deputy National Security Adviser under Trump. “They failed against the Taliban, then Putin, and then Iran and its proxies. And now Beijing is making moves that could prove fateful for the world.” Former Trump official Colby says Biden’s diplomatic work is a weak substitute for the one thing that can deter China’s rise. “These high-profile photo ops,” says Colby, “are not a substitute for raw military power.” He points to recent statements by senior U.S. military officials that China is outpacing the U.S. on missile- and shipbuilding, and war games showing the U.S. losing badly in a contest over Taiwan, and says the U.S. should put all its efforts into defending the “first island chain” of Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines.

Biden believes that withdrawing from Europe and the Middle East to focus on East Asia would backfire, aides say. If America abandons its allies elsewhere, they argue, its Asian allies will abandon it, in turn. The U.S. needs European and Middle Eastern countries to increase its economic and military advantages over China. And ultimately, failing to confront instability now—in Ukraine, Gaza or elsewhere—will only make doing so later a more costly distraction from the competition with Beijing.

Back in the Cabinet Room after the interview, the sun is lower, and Biden has more stories. He turns to a sideboard with a commendation from the Kosovo government to his son Beau Biden, who died of cancer nine years ago. The President relates with evident pride his son’s work supporting its judicial system. A mention of diplomat Richard Holbrooke, who brokered the Dayton accords for the Balkans, elicits a story about Afghanistan and an argument Biden had with Holbrooke over the search for peace there. 

On a matching sideboard on the other side of the door, the President opens an album with travel pictures, launching a series of anecdotes about the Popes he has known, including John Paul II and Benedict, whom Biden calls “the Rottweiler.” Recounting an exchange with one over abortion, he casts an eye toward the cracked door to the Oval Office and asks an aide, “Are they in there?” Turning back to his visitors, he says, “Let me show you one more picture.”

This avuncular politicking remains a Biden trademark, one that has helped with allies overseas but failed to unite Americans at home, as Biden pledged when running for President. Not that he has stopped trying. Biden ultimately persuaded Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson to move a roughly $95 billion supplemental aid package for Ukraine, the Middle East, and Taiwan. To build support for his Middle East peace package, he has worked both sides of the aisle. On Nov. 8, 2023, Biden sat for two hours in the windowless Roosevelt Room with a bipartisan group of nine Senators who had just returned from the region, asking for impressions from the trip and moderating a conversation between them, Sullivan, and Middle East coordinator Brett McGurk. At the end, he pulled Democratic Senator Chris Coons and Republican Senator Lindsey Graham into the Oval Office for separate 10-minute conversations about next steps in the effort, says Coons.

Biden may be right that despite the partisanship, a consensus exists for a values-based, pragmatic role for America in the world. His challenge is to get Americans to focus on that rather than on other issues driven by foreign affairs, like inflation or immigration. Biden denies that his expansion of Trump’s trade war with China will increase prices, and says his only regret about lifting Trump’s anti-immigration measures is that he didn’t do it sooner. His goal in a second term, he says, is “to finish what he started.”

At stake is the direction of the world for the coming century. At Normandy, Biden will make the case for what historian Hal Brands says is “the 80-year tradition of internationalism that has been quite good for America and the world.” The alternative, says Brands, would be a “more vicious and chaotic” world where Americans ultimately would be less safe, prosperous, and free, but only after everyone else suffered first.

Wrapping up his conversation with TIME, Biden offers cookies from a tray in the outer Oval. “They’re homemade,” he says. Turning to leave, he offers a final salutation: “Keep the faith.” But then he pauses and turns back, as the phrase triggers one last story. It’s about a relative who had his own response to that admonition. And here Biden taps one of his visitors on the chest and says, “Spread the faith.”

— With reporting by Simon Shuster/Kyiv; Leslie Dickstein, Simmone Shah, and Julia Zorthian/New York; and Melissa August, Brian Bennett, Vera Bergengruen, Eric Cortellessa, and Sam Jacobs/Washington

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Correction appended, June 5: The original version of this story misstated the terms of an agreement the Biden Administration struck with the Philippines. The Philippines provided the U.S. new access to four existing military bases, not permission for four new bases.

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