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Urban tourism.

Urban tourism refers to the consumption of city spectacles (such as architecture, monuments, and parks) and cultural amenities (such as museums, restaurants, and performances) by visitors. Studying urban tourism requires taking seriously leisure activities and transient populations, features of the city that much of past urban theory declines to address. However, a number of developments in recent decades have led tourism to assume a larger place in urban scholarship. As industrial manufacturing deserts dense urban areas, entertainment plays an expanded role in many city economies. Leisure and consumption for some means work and profits for others. The attraction and accommodation of visitors has become a central concern for public and private city elites. The sizable but fleeting population of visitors to the city has a surprising influence over local politics, investment choices, and the built environment.

The label ‘‘tourist’’ frequently evokes pejorative connotations, which color not only popular but also scholarly representations. While crude stereotypes of the tourist suggest a plodding brute oblivious to all but the most obvious and pre packaged attractions of the urban landscape, the leisure activity of tourism in fact contains a wide range of consumption activities and orientations toward the city. Moreover, the ‘‘business or pleasure’’ distinction obscures the fact that many trips are multipurpose, with business travelers also shopping, visiting museums, and dining out. Susan Fainstein and Dennis Judd advocate the use of the term visitor rather than tourist, and see tourism as a particular mode of activity in which visitors engage. Especially today, even permanent residents may at times use aspects of their own cities ‘‘as if tourists,’’ consuming its spectacular, exotic, and heterogeneous amenities (Lloyd & Clark 2001).

Cities have long been privileged destinations for visitors as well as sites of residence. The ancient city was a destination for pilgrims, merchants, political envoys, and adventurers, some of whom produced accounts of the exotic spectacles they encountered. The industrial revolution led to rapid growth in the permanent populations of large European and US cities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During the industrial epoch large cities remained spaces of spectacle and a multitude of entertainments. In the prototypical industrial city of Chicago, for example, city elites were not satisfied merely being hog butcher to the world, actively seeking to enhance the city’s cultural image and attract visitors by launching the Columbian exposition of 1892 (in which the Ferris Wheel was introduced).

Still, the sociological study of the city, grounded in the massive growth of urban areas coinciding with the industrial revolution, has traditionally treated tourism peripherally if at all. The last half century, however, has brought significant change. Industry has increasingly declined in the older cities of the US and other developed nations, enhanced technologies of transportation and communication have made travel far more convenient and widely available, and the aesthetic and experiential dimensions of consumption have come to play an arguably much greater role in the global economy. Fast growing cities like Las Vegas and Orlando feature economies primarily organized around tourism and consumption. For old and new cities, the active production of spectacle and consumption opportunities is now a crucial feature of the political economy. In this case, tour ism can no longer be a tertiary concern for urban theory.

In the 1980s, newly popular theories of post modernism took the lead in examining the city as a site of spectacle and consumption. Focusing on the signifying qualities of the material landscape, thinkers such Umberto Eco, Jean Baudrillard, and Mark Gottdeiner direct considerable attention to tourist destinations like the Las Vegas strip and Disneyland. The postmodern tendency to emphasize the transient and the ephemeral in social life likewise results in considerable attention to the spaces and activities of tourists. In this light it is unsurprising that Frederic Jameson identifies Los Angeles’s Bonaventure Hotel as the signature space of ‘‘postmodernism in the city.’’ While these approaches have been influential, the mostly semiotic method employed in them is dissatisfying for many sociologists.

Disneyland and Las Vegas remain potent models that inform the study of the post industrial city as an object of consumption. Many theorists advance the notion that the city itself is increasingly constructed as a theme park in order to entice consumers. These approaches, which can be called the ‘‘Disneyfication’’ or ‘‘theme park’’ models of urban tourism (Sorkin 1992; Hannigan 1998; Bryman 2004), emphasize homogenizing tendencies in large cities, as tourist spaces come to look much the same from one city to the next. They focus on the injection of large scale developments such as sports stadiums, convention halls, and shopping malls into formerly decaying areas. Baltimore’s Inner Harbor and Chicago’s Navy Pier are signature spaces of this style of redevelopment in the US. These spaces of consumption tend to be highly segregated from the rest of the city and the everyday activity of residents. Hence, Judd (1999) identifies the construction of ‘‘tourist bubbles,’’ districts that organize tourist activity in a highly regimented fashion while actively excluding undesirable elements.

The success of Disneyfied tourist entertainment is more uneven than these approaches usually anticipate, and themed entertainment venues like Planet Hollywood and the Rainforest Cafe routinely failed during the 1990s. Critics like Michael Sorkin (1992) decry the ‘‘inauthenticity’’ of themed spaces; what is increasingly clear is that tourists themselves often wish to consume what they perceive to be authentic attractions within a city. Rather than the homogenization of the urban landscape that Disneyfication anticipates, these attractions derive from specific aspects of local identity. Many cities combine large scale theme developments with more ‘‘indigenous’’ cultural attractions. Grazian (2003) shows that tourists search for authenticity in entertainments such as the Blues in Memphis and Chicago, or country music in Nashville. Local venues strategize to satisfy these expectations, producing what MacCannell (1999) identifies as ‘‘staged authenticity.’’ Often, tourists practice multiple styles of consumption, in Chicago visiting obligatory attractions like Navy Pier, the Sears Tower Observation Deck, and the splendid shopping of the Miracle Mile, while also attempting to locate the ‘‘real’’ Chicago in smoky Blues clubs ‘‘off the beaten path.’’

Indeed, the attraction of cities for tourists derives from both the breadth and the depth of urban culture. Breadth signals the diversity of attractions that center city districts are uniquely poised to offer, which can include professional sports, museums of various sorts, high, low, and middlebrow theater, musical performances, and an exceptionally wide range of dining and shopping opportunities. Depth refers to the cumulative nature of a city’s identity (Suttles 1984), the resonance that attaches to particular aspects of the built environment and local culture. These include landmarks like the Eiffel Tower, the Golden Gate Bridge, or the Empire State Building. Tourists may experience Yankee Stadium as pleasantly haunted by the ghosts of Ruth and Mantle and the streets of Greenwich Village by past generations of storied bohemians. Thus, while some popular tourist destinations such as Orlando and Las Vegas are constituted almost entirely by prefabricated entertainments, and revel in the absence of depth, many others are valued for a place identity that emerges from distinct and varied histories.

At a more mundane but equally important level, cities contain essential infrastructure, achieved through a balance of public and private investment, which enables them to accommodate large numbers of visitors. Such infrastructure includes airports, convention centers, and significant amounts of lodging. Conventions are major vehicles for attracting visitors, and in these cases corporate expense accounts underwrite consumption in restaurants and other entertainment venues. Just as Chicago competed to win the Columbian Exposition near the end of the nineteenth century, entering the twenty first century urban boosters are locked in competition for major conventions as well as other high profile, visitor attracting events such as the Olympics or the Super Bowl.

Local boosters argue that new tourist attractions generate multiplier effects that will improve the tax base and benefit permanent residents. Actual results have been uneven. While the entertainment economy of large cities implies a substantial workforce, the service jobs created are often far less promising than the manufacturing jobs that they replace, representing a mostly disorganized sector of cleaning personnel, kitchen staff, ticket takers, and the like. Casino gaming, a strategy for attracting tourist dollars recently turned to by the most economically desperate urban districts, including downtown Detroit and Gary, appears to produce particularly dubious effects for the local quality of life of poor residents.

The costs and benefits of tourist enterprises promise to be important objects of both theoretical and policy analyses in coming years. In the wake of the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center, security has emerged as another key factor in the regulation of city visitors that will bear considerable scrutiny. Long ignored, the relationship between cities and their visitors has become a core concern in contemporary urban theory.

References:

• Baudrillard, J. (1989) America. Verso, New York.
• Bryman, A. (2004) The Disneyization of Society. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA.
• Eco, U. (1986) Travels in Hyperreality. Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, New York.
• Gottdeiner, M. (1995) Postmodern Semiotics: Material Culture and the Forms of Postmodern Life. Blackwell, Oxford.
• Grazian, D. (2003) Blue Chicago: The Search for Authenticity in Urban Blues Clubs. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
• Hannigan, J. (1998) Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the Postmodern Metropolis. Routledge, New York.
• Hoffman, L. M., Fainstein, S. S., & Judd, D. R. (Eds.) (2003) Cities and Visitors: Regulating People, Markets and City Space. Blackwell, Oxford.
• Jameson, F. (1991) Postmodernism: or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Duke University Press, Durham, NC.
• Judd, D. R. (1999) Constructing the Tourist Bubble. In: Judd, D. R. & Fainstein, S. (Eds.), The Tourist City. Yale University Press, New Haven.
• Lloyd, R. & Clark, T. N. (2001) The City as an Entertainment Machine. Research in Urban Sociol ogy: Critical Perspectives on Urban Redevelopment 6: 357-78.
• MacCannell, D. (1999) The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. University of California Press, Berkeley.
• Sorkin, M. (Ed.) (1992) Variations on a Theme Park. Hill & Wang, New York.
• Suttles, G. (1984) The Cumulative Texture of Local Urban Culture. American Journal of Sociology 90: 283-304.
• Urry, J. (1990) The Tourist Gaze. Sage, London.

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Urban tourism

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• Mimi Li 3 &
• Bihu Wu 4  

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Urban areas are distinctive and complex places that are commonly characterized by four main qualities: high densities of structures, people, and functions; social and cultural heterogeneity; economic multifunctionalism; and a physical centrality within regional and interurban networks (Pearce 2001 ). Urban environment and its attributes are recognized as a leisure product, and consequently, “tourism has been a primary force in determining contemporary urban forms, as facilities for tourists have increasingly become interwoven with other structures” (Judd and Fainstein 1999 : 262). Nowadays, tourism occupies a substantial amount of space within urban destinations via tourist-historic urban cores, museums of all kinds, urban waterfronts, themeparks, and specialized precincts (Edwards et al. 2008 ). Due to the complexity of urban tourism, there are no widely agreed-upon definitions, and the term is generally referred to as tourism in towns and cities.

Urban tourism was not recognized as a...

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Ashworth, G. 1989 Urban Tourism: An Imbalance in Attention. Progress in Tourism, Recreation and Hospitality Management 1:33-54.

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Ashworth, G., and S. Page 2011 Urban Tourism Research: Recent Progress and Current Paradoxes. Tourism Management 32:1-15.

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Edwards, D., T. Griffin, and B. Hayllar 2008 Urban Tourism Research: Developing An Agenda. Annals of Tourism Research 35:1031-1052.

Judd, D., and S. Fainstein 1999 The Tourist City. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Maitland, R., and P. Newman 2009 World Tourism Cities: Developing Tourism off the Beaten Track. London: Routledge.

Pearce, D. 2001 An Integrative Framework for Urban Tourism Research. Annals of Tourism Research 28:926-946.

Wu, B., and L. Cai 2006 Spatial Modeling: Suburban Leisure in Shanghai. Annals of Tourism Research 33:179-198.

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School of Hotel and Tourism Management, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, 17 Science Museum Road, Hong Kong, China

College of Urban and Environmental Sciences, Peking University, 5 Yiheyuan Rd, 100871, Beijing, China

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Li, M., Wu, B. (2016). Urban tourism. In: Jafari, J., Xiao, H. (eds) Encyclopedia of Tourism. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-01384-8_208

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Urban Tourism: What Everyone Ought to Know about it

Posted on Aug 26, 2022 at 08:08 PM

When discussing the different types of tourism, you must mention the famous and sustainable urban tourism chapter that controls most of the recent destinations.

So, considering a career in urban tourism may be the right choice for you if you like this form of tourism that includes a lot of cities tourism and urban areas sights.

This blog post will focus on the definition of urban tourism, why it is growing, and the primary urban tourism elements.

The Definition of Urban Tourism:

According to the global World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO), urban tourism refers to major tourism activities, city tourism, and tourism planning in cities and urban destinations with an economic income that includes non-agricultural activities in all the development of cultural processes.

In this type of tourism, the tourist is looking to do urban activities cited due to the city's central phenomenon points.

What Interests People in Urban Tourism?

Many sustainable studies and development opportunities could answer that. Still, to be more particular, we could say that the variety of cultural activities, safety, and different cited destinations a tourist could visit in one city.

And for the significant urban tourism impacts, many cities are investing in their sustainable development activities, in addition to explicitly developing  destination management career  that focuses on improving the positive public image of the city for decades.

Primary Elements of Urban Tourism:

Now we are going to list to you where a visitor could go when doing city urban tourism to have fun, add new cultural experiences and spatial touristic, and improve their social knowledge:

Historic Locations:

A large part of economies’ revenues in many cities worldwide, where a group of tourists visit a cited destination, usually to see unique historical monuments and gain extensive knowledge about the location’s complex history.

Art Tourism:

We are now talking about museums, theatres and urban tourism. The tourist’s ultimate goal is to attend a well-known play, see an outstanding painting, attend a book launching event, or do other art-related activities.

This urban tourism gained vital importance from European tourists, who often seek to see dynamic art centres, develop trend movements, and travel with average amenities.    

Several cities benefit from having international fashion weeks, famous brand stores, and famous fashion designers that visitors come to from different areas in the world just to visit; therefore, these addresses present intensive motivation and practical plans to solve all conceptual challenges.

Sports Facilities:

You sure heard about the cited tourists visiting Qatar due to the FIFA World Cup , just like many other important sports activities where tourists follow their favourite team to cheer.

Amusement Facilities:

Suppose you ever travelled to another city to attend a festival or a favourite singer show, and run away from life pressure. In that case, you are an urban tourist who aims to travel around to enjoy a fun part of the world.

Secondary Elements of Urban Tourism:

Next to the primary elements that contribute to people’s decision to do urban tourism over environmental or rural area visiting, we have these cited factors that are more like popular and common part among urban tourism fans:

When visiting a safe city, you will not face any environment-related emergency, missing phone network impact, electricity, and medical services, which will boost your security and make you have fun.

Accommodation:

Urban tourism offers rich accommodation possibilities with hotels, studios, and apartments based on this time’s urban demands.

Services Accessibilities:

You will get the development and available sustainable benefits when doing city urban tourism activity with excellent culture areas and bright growth indicators.

Transportations:

Cities are constantly providing public transportation sector development options and sustainable solutions for their citizens and tourists so that everything would be easier and closer.

Food safety is part of urban tourism’s popularity as people like the feeling that they can find food whenever they like and need it, with various options.

One Last Word,

Sustainable urban tourism is growing daily with many cities, tourists, and activities; join this growing world with  hospitality training courses in Dubai .

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Restoring tourism activity in Dubai between reality and challenges

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The Urban Transcripts Journal

What begins at the end of urban tourism, as we know it? – Christoph Sommer

Amidst the “overtourism” debate going on in Europe, one question pops up routinely. Namely, how much tourism do cities bear? This issue is a thought-provoking starting point to reconsider the interrelation of tourism and the city beyond the container-like idea of cities as destinations. Drawing on two examples from Berlin, this piece reflects upon tourism not as an isolated activity but as contested momentum co-producing urban places. The distinct controversies related to tourism at Checkpoint Charlie (a must see) and the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg (an off-the-beaten track sight) prompt to frame these places as unbounded and continuously remade. Conceptually approaching tourism “beyond binaries,” it is exemplified that ideas of fixed container-like tourist places (sights), mutually exclusive doings (consumption/production) and distinct types of people (tourists/locals) fall short. It rather seems to be revealing to deepen research on urban tourist places as co-performed socio-material hybrids emerging where trans-/local processes intersect. This means, for instance, to further elaborate on, firstly, the interplay of visitors and materiality at tourist places and, secondly, the sociality to be found there. As a result of this, tourism appears not as something external, which is getting too much (“overtourism”), but as constituent of cities.

Approaching urban tourism beyond dichotomous categories

How much tourism do cities bear? Questioning the tourism capacities of cities implies a misleading understanding of the interrelation of tourism and the city. Cities appear as containers that impound only a certain amount of what destination managers often call “incoming tourism.” The idea of cities as destinations inhabited by locals and visited by visitors represents seems to be outdated. However, it represents a persistent figure of thought, albeit a quite simplifying one. The destination appears as place where visitors are tourists because they are away from home; where hosts encounter guests who consume what locals produce.

To be sure, such binary readings of tourism phenomena are already questioned in the sociology of tourism and in tourism studies (Hannam 2009). This is due to the “mobilities turn” in social sciences, which crucially influenced tourism studies (Rickly/Hannam et al. 2017: 1). The “new mobilities paradigm” (Sheller/Urry 2006) in particular offered a dedicated perspective “to look at social phenomena [like tourism] through the lens of movement” (Salazar 2017: 248). This perspective frames tourist places as unbounded and hybrid. There are “diverse mobilities and proximities, flows of anticipations, performances, and memory as well as extensive social-material networks stabilizing the sedimentated practices that make tourist places” (Bærenholdt et al. 2004: 2). The latter reading of tourist places transgresses clear-cut and mutually exclusive categories used to describe destinations or sights as geographically fixed entities, where certain types of people (e.g. locals/tourists) are involved in a distinct manner (e.g. produce/consume). These conceptual considerations not only provide terminological expression, but also contain some telling notions, which reflect the aim to approach tourist places and practices in a more holistic way. Tourist places are framed as “host-guest-time-space-cultures” (Sheller/Urry 2004: 6); the notion of “city users” (Costa/Martinotti 2003: 60) was introduced to term temporary urban populations constituted by a broad range of visitors (e.g. expats, business travelers, interns and students) or, referring to Toffler, tourists are approached as “prosuming creative urban areas” (Pappalepore et al. 2014: 227, emphasis added).

Referring to this conceptual teaser, urban tourism phenomena seem to highlight how binary categories lose explanatory grip. A brief look at “VFR-Tourism” (Visiting Friends and Relatives) 1 and “New Urban Tourism” exemplifies how binaries like extraordinary tourism vs. everyday life, host vs. guest, leisure vs. tourism or production vs. consumption blur.

It would fall short to frame “VFR-Tourism” solely as extraordinary escape from everyday life (Larsen 2008). While the breakfast shared with the relatives/friends visited may be more sumptuous, however, socializing (pleasantly) with co-travelling family members or friends is definitely not a pure extraordinary tourism activity. Such “VFR-travelling” is essentially about realizing family or social life at-a-distance. This could include obligations to see one another as well as to willing support with housework or childcare. Everydayness enters “VFR-tourism.” Furthermore, if the hosts join their guests for breakfast out, don’t they themselves “act as if tourists” in their own cities (Lloyd/Clark 2001: 357)? The difficulties in discerning tourists from locals also apply to people seeking to find the real city, off the beaten track. It is the intensity of this genuine tourist interest in certain aspects of local everyday life, which has increased awareness of “New Urban Tourism” as a phenomenon in its own right (Dirksmeier/Helbrecht 2015). The latter is not easy to identify because people doing what researchers call “New Urban Tourism” are often experienced city users who “want to fit in, rather than stand to one side” (Maitland/Newman 2009: 135). Nevertheless, one could record that also places of “New Urban Tourism” are “places in which overlapping activities of tourism and leisure now form part of its [the cities] fabric and life“ (Maitland 2010: 176). “New Urban Tourism” consumes and produces the urban.

Hence, now that visitors are out to live like a local and locals act as if they’re tourists, we should ask: What begins beyond thinking of urban tourism in terms of binaries? And, what do controversies about urban “overtourism” tell us about all that?

The trans/-local co-production of tourist places: conflicts as signifiers

Considering the blurred borders between the clear-cut categories of tourism research, I argue that the debate about “overtourism” sparks pondering on urban tourism anew. The “overtourism” controversies envision that tourism matters beyond its well-known economic effects (taxes, jobs, etc.). Tourism-induced conflicts signify that tourism is not a discrete and isolated activity but co-produces the urban. Even more, particularly tourism-related conflicts make the trans-/local entanglement of cities and tourism present. This trans-/local entanglement of cities and tourism becomes visible where trans-local and local processes intersect in a divisive manner. Two examples may help to illustrate this thought:

Firstly, think of the “peer-to-business-to-peer” (van de Glind 2015) of homesharing platforms, which interlink trans-local and local forms of economic activity. The companies manage accommodation globally; mobilize global flows of money/taxes and structure the way travelers dwell. This works because people worldwide commodify their local housing space. Hence, it is the local housing market where these trans-/local processes intersect and a contentious matter of concern related to tourism emerges. Namely, the conversion of apartments into “pure” holiday flats which is criticized against the backdrop of a rising rents, gentrification and tight housing markets (Novy/Colomb 2017). Secondly, think of Berlin’s destination and culture marketing campaign with the tagline “365/24 Berlin.” This campaign, saying that there is always something interesting going on in Berlin, is launched worldwide (e.g. in the media, at trade shows) to compete for potential visitors. Locally in turn, the message is criticized as invitation to party “24/7” in the neighborhoods. In this case, disparate local and (intended) trans-local readings of the campaign make it a contested narrative; the trans-locally oriented campaign is criticized for its potential local effects.

Such trans-/local tourism-related processes take place and shape the urban of course, not only within a purely discursive arena. In fact, trans-/local forms of tourism related “city making” continuously spawn concrete urban places. This is what will be detailed exemplarily in the next section. The first example, Checkpoint Charlie, represents an inner-city must see. The most famous former crossing point between East and West Germany currently sparks (again) a semi-public debate about how this heritage site/sight should be developed. The second example is located off the beaten track. The happening-like evening socials at the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg show that they are co-performed by visitors and locals alike. Yet, the case of the Admiralbrücke has been contested, for example due to nightly noise disturbances or pollution through garbage.

Checkpoint Charlie: Material affordances and fixings of an unbounded touristscape

Without doubt, the former border crossing Checkpoint Charlie could be considered to be one of the most popular heritage sites in Berlin. Thousands of people visit the museums and (temporary) exhibitions located on the spot each year. They listen to the explanatory notes of their guides; enjoy taking photos with actors dressed up as border guards (image 1); eat in the restaurants nearby and so on. This tourism is not an unquestioned matter of course. Since the removal of the border installations in 1990, the daily tourism-related occurrence at Checkpoint Charlie has triggered some controversies about the “right” culture of remembrance on site. When it comes to the status quo or future perspectives of the place, some see or fear “Disneyfication,” others elitism (Frank 2011). So, the question at stake is how the “right” culture of remembrance on site should look like. And, for the purpose of this piece: What does this question tell us about the trans-/local entanglement of the city and tourism?

1. Performances of photography at Checkpoint Charlie. Source: C. Sommer

Answering this question leads at first to the observation that the “right” culture of remembrance is apparently intimately linked to the material setting of the scenery. It is noteworthy that local disputes about the appropriate way the site/sight should be used are constituted around these distinct material (re-)configurations. I will elaborate on this by referring to the reconstructed checkpoint booth as well as to a planned Hardrock Hotel. Firstly, I set out the material affordance of the checkpoint booth, which triggers the performative co-production of the place by tourists. Thus, the translocality of the place will become visible in terms of globally informed modes of touring sights in an experience-oriented manner. The latter inevitably typifies the place. Secondly, I show another dimension of the translocality of the place: The undeveloped lots on site attract global tourism-related facilities, such as the planned Hardrock Hotel. The latter interlinks, in turn, a globally sought experience promise with memorabilia of music culture. Both infrastructures, the booth a well as the planned hotel, are specifically related with the “Disneyfication” blame.

So, the reconstructed checkpoint booth and its material “affordance” (Gibson 1966, quoted from Edensor 2007: 206) is the issue to start with. The term affordance gears towards the “material textures of space […] which provide[s] spatial potentialities, constraining and enabling a range of actions (ibid., emphasis in the original). In this sense, the booth at Checkpoint Charlie has agency; it invites visitors to take pictures. As an essential set piece of the place it determines the “tourist gaze” upon Checkpoint Charlie – because this “tourist gaze” is crucially constructed through performances of photography (Urry/Larsen 2011). At Checkpoint Charlie the art of tourist photography is prototypically exemplified since what matters here is to “place one’s ‘loved ones’ within an ‘attraction’ in such a way that both are represented aesthetically” (Urry/Larsen 2011: 179). These performances of photography co-produce the scenery. One can observe that visitors habitually touring heritage sites/sights in an experience-oriented manner do appreciate the scenery and thereby they bring it into being. The performances of photography inevitably typify Checkpoint Charlie according to intercontinentally informed modes of touring heritage sites/sights. However, in the reporting on Checkpoint Charlie exactly this extensive doing of photography triggers reservations. Putting the reconstructed border infrastructures and re-enacted border guards into the picture is disqualified as a trivial doing that fosters “Disneyfication.”

Currently, this tendentious term is also made use of in the course of a semi-public debate about the future of two undeveloped building plots located at Checkpoint Charlie. The planned Hardrock Hotel, which most likely will be built on one of the lots, triggers the “Disneyfication” blame less due to trivial tourism performances but to a feared standardization. This feared standardization also signifies the translocality of the place. Nevertheless, this controversy is also revealingly linked to the material setting of the place, better: the potential of the empty space. Currently, the latter is “in play” with capital flows of the real estate business as well as the tourism industry. Hence, the planned Hardrock Hotel represents how urban tourist places emerge in the conjuncture of trans-/local processes. At “unique locations“ (Hard Rock Cafe International Inc. 2018), like Checkpoint Charlie, the hotel project interlinks a globally sought experience promise with memorabilia of music culture. In this sense the hotel illustrates how tourism places truly organize a multiplicity of intersecting mobilities, which typify their unbounded character (Bærenholdt et al. 2008). Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg: Co-Performing urban hangout commons

In opposition to Checkpoint Charlie, which is an inner-city tourist attraction, it is in the neighborhood spaces that most of the conflict potential of tourism is harbored (Sommer/Helbrecht 2017). Key issues are for instance nighttime noise, littering, the conversion of rental apartments into holiday flats or feelings of alienation by some residents. Hence, the second case I refer to is located off the beaten track, in an area that tourism researchers would label a “New Tourism Area” (Maitland/Newman 2004: 339). In short, the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg is a small traffic-calmed bridge and the stage for happening-like summertime gatherings of (nowadays) up to 300 people (image 2). To be sure, the Admiralbrücke is not an isolated case; similar hang-out spots exist in other European cities as well 2 .

2. Co-Performing evening socials at Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg. Source: C. Sommer

One stereotype, which is frequently invoked in the controversy in question, is that tourists are the ones causing the noise conflicts (see e.g. mediation report StreitEntknoten 2010). So, the initial questions are: who is actually taking part in the summertime gatherings on site and what does this tell us about the trans-/local entanglement of the city and tourism?

Albeit there exist no large-scale surveys regarding the types of people gathering at the bridge, some smaller analyses show that a high share of the people hanging out there are locals (Kaschuba 2014). Also ethnographic site visits, conducted by the author, indicate that the gatherings at Admiralbrücke are co-produced by a broad range of (temporary) city users like neighbors, Berliners, expats, interns, tourists and so on (Sommer/Kip 2019). Hence, the scenery is co-performed as a (contested) collective good – “as an aggregation of individual interests to participate in a collective endeavor that is neither driven by economic nor regulatory interests” (ibid. 6). Whereby, the experience of collectivity is typified both by relative anonymity and the prospect of unforeseen contacts. All in all, two essential promises seem to structure the appeal of this (tourist) place. Namely, for one, to be part of some kind of temporary happening-like group experience. Plus, it seems to be equally important to experience the urban outdoors by itself. Nevertheless, the case at stake, performed by temporary chill-out communities manifests the determining role material configurations play in the ongoing re-production of “New Urban Touristscapes.” The performance perspective highlights, regarding the gatherings on Admiralbrücke, that “the spatiality of the scenery is emphatically experienced, affectively understood and physically incorporated and enacted” (Helbrecht/Dirksmeier 2013: 285). Think for example of the bollards in the middle of the bridge (Image 2) which originally haven been installed to reduce car traffic on it. Nowadays, they serve as seats. In this sense, the bollards cannot be reduced to merely passive carriers of meanings – they afford to sit on them. Synopsis: Co-performed and unbounded but materially fixed touristscapes

The tourism-related happenings at Checkpoint Charlie and the Admiralbrücke exemplify what is theoretically elaborated regarding the complexity and unboundedness of tourist places. The particular controversies related to tourism at Checkpoint Charlie and the Admiralbrücke prompt revealing questions. In case of the former the key question at stake is: How should the “right” culture of remembrance on this (tourist) sight/site look like? Regarding the happening-like evening socials at Admiralbrücke, it is routinely asked: Who is actually taking part in the noisy summertime gatherings on site?

The observations triggered by these questions illustrate what advanced conceptualizations of tourist places claim. In particular, two observations help to understand Checkpoint Charlie and Admiralbrücke as co-performed and unbounded but materially fixed hybrids “bridging the realms of humans and nonhumans” (Bærenholdt et al. 2004: 2). Both considerations, which I sum up hereafter, build the basis for my conclusions regarding future research on urban tourism beyond binaries.

Firstly, urban tourist places emerge where trans-/local processes intersect; they are brought into being by performances of tourists and other temporary city users. Conflicts ascribed to tourism signify such intersections and co-productive performances. In the case of Checkpoint Charlie, we see divisive ideas of how to visit a heritage site/sight. Co-producing the site/sight through experience-oriented performances of photography triggers some reservations on the part of those who would prefer more cautious site visits. Nonetheless, Checkpoint Charlie is inevitably typified by globally informed performances of tourist photography. Plus, the inner-city must see is shaped by the flows of money mobilized and locally fixed by the global tourism industry and its experience promise – in this case by the Hard Rock Cafe International Inc. The plan for the latter to build a Hotel is contested due to the increasingly standardized facilities crystalizing on site (McDonald’s, KFC etc.). In case of the Admiralbrücke, tourists are frequently blamed for the noisy gatherings on site. However, research shows that a broad range of visitors (from other parts of town or the world) co-produces the happening-like evening socials – which are contested but also continuously attracting temporary urban chill-out communities.

Secondly, both examples render visible the determining role local material set pieces (immobilities) of tourist places play. With Sheller/Urry one could record that the reconstructed checkpoint booth as well as the bollards on the Admiralbrücke represent objects “that contingently fix certain networks of play and pleasure” (2004: 6). At Checkpoint Charlie, the material infrastructures trigger performances of photography, and, in the future, ways of tourist dwelling according to the global Hardrock brand promise. The material set pieces of the happenings at Admiralbrücke cannot be reduced to merely passive carriers of meanings and sign-value. The bollards’ affordance to lean on them is a striking example of this significance of materiality. Not least, the controversies related to the cases in question seem to be intimately linked to the material fixings of these unbounded tourist sites/sights.

Conclusion: What begins at the end of urban tourism, as we know it?

For sure, the entanglement of cities and tourism is on the agenda of tourism/urban studies. Fruitful research exists on “Protest and Resistance in the Tourist City” (Colomb/Novy 2017), the interrelation of “Tourism and Gentrification in Contemporary Metropolises“ (Gravari-Barbas/Guinand 2017) or the entanglement of “Tourism and Everyday Life in the Contemporary City 3 ” (Frisch/Sommer et al. 2019). With regard to the deliberately chosen examples in this piece, there are – however – two issues, which in general need to be elaborated in more detail (conceptually and empirically). This is the socio-materiality of tourist places as well as their sociality as joyful urban sceneries.

According to Cohen/Cohen’s review article on ‘New Directions in the Sociology of Tourism’ (2017) the literature confirms the need to conceptually detail the significance of materiality in research on tourism. However, it is neither actor-network theory (ANT) alone, nor a sole focus on objects, which informs this aspiration (like Cohen/Cohen record). On the one hand, taking materiality conceptually into account stems from a broader understanding of space as “agentified.” This builds for example on STS, assemblage thinking or the social anthropology of Tim Ingold (Niewöhner 2014). On the other hand, drawing on performance and on Ingold’s work (e.g. on ‘taskscapes’) to approach tourist places means to take materiality seriously. Bærenholdt et al. for example stress that tourist places could be understood as “hybrid artefacts, drawing together mobilities and proximities that crosscut the realms of the social and the material” (2004: 6). It is recorded that “places are (re)produced through systems of tourist performances, made possible and contingently stabilized through networked relationships with other […] buildings, objects and machines” (ibid.: 151). Hence, it is misleading, like Ingold (2010) shows, to stick to the question of if objects have agency. What needs to be investigated empirically is rather how tourist performances relate to materiality in concrete terms. After all, this is a defining strength of the performance approach, which highlights that actions are not conceivable without taking stages, décor or set pieces into account. Regarding urban tourist places, it seems to be promising and necessary to analyse what this “spacing” (Crouch 2003: 1953) as “the constitutive part of performativity in the relation to surroundings” (ibid.) empirically looks like. Maybe the notion of “urban assemblages” (Farias 2009) offers a powerful foundation to do so. This approach gears to grasp the city as continuously assembled at concrete sites of urban practice. It claims to keep in mind, how “the city and urban life are literally being reconstructed and remade, how urban materials, technologies and different urban life forms are composed and hold together in practice” (Farias 2011). Urban “must sees” (like Checkpoint Charlie) represent promising cases to conduct urban (tourism) studies that look into the socio-materiality of tourism-related urban sceneries.

The second issue, which seems to be pertinent for future urban (tourism) studies, results from the observation that studies “considering the intersection between performances of tourists and locals within the frame of conflict […] and opposition […]” offer “only a limited account of the possible outcomes of these encounters” (Giovanardi et al. 2014: 104). It is indeed acknowledged that “overlapping activities of tourism and leisure now form part of its [the cities] fabric and life” (Maitland 2010: 176). But, what is concretely emerging there? The case of Admiralbrücke tentatively frames the happening-like hangout practices as kind of urban commons (Sommer/Kip 2019). The temporary chill-out communities, constituted by a broad range of city users, co-perform a (contested) social good. From an empirical point of view, it seems to be interesting to pin down further manifestations of the productive momentum of tourism-related performances, flows and mobilities – which represent constituents of cities beyond abstract economic effect (taxes, jobs) and conflicts. Conceptually, the case of Admiralbrücke confirms to further transgress the dualism of exotic others and significant others (Larsen 2008). Not only family members and friends represent significant co-travelling others, but also co-dwelling urbanites seem to do so.

So, what begins at the end of urban tourism, as we know it? This is an open question in a positive sense. Hopefully, the exemplary cases presented in this piece show that there is a lot to discover beyond an understanding of tourism in terms of binaries. Urban (tourism) studies would profit – empirically and as well conceptually.        

Notes 1. In Berlin, VFR-Tourism accounts for most of the annual overnight stays (visitBerlin 2017)! 2. Think, for example, of the Plaza Del Dos de Mayo (Madrid), Piazza Dell’immacolata (Rome), Gärtnerplatz (Munich), the Canal Saint-Martin (Paris) or the Colonne di San Lorenzo in Milan. 3. Forthcoming anthology, co-edited by members of the Urban Research Group New Urban Tourism at the Georg Simmel Center for Studies (HU Berlin)

References — Bærenholdt, J.O., Haldrup, M., Larsen, J., Urry, J. (eds.) (2004). Performing Tourist Places. Hants/Burlington: Ashgate. — Cohen, S.A., Cohen, E. (2017). New directions in the sociology of tourism. Current Issues in Tourism. Published online: 08 Jul 2017. — Costa, N., Martinotti, G. (2003). Sociological theories of tourism and regulation theory. in: hoffman, l.m., Fainstein, S.S., Judd, D.R. (eds.) Cities and Visitors. Regulating People, Markets, and City Space. Malden/Oxford/Carlton: Blackwell, pp. 53­–71. — Crouch, D. (2003). Spacing, Performing, and Becoming: Tangles in the Mundane. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 35(11), 1945–1960. — Dirksmeier, P., Helbrecht, I. (2015). Resident perceptions of new urban tourism: a neglected geography of prejudice. Geography Compass, 9(5), pp. 276–285. — Frank, S. (2011). Der Mauer um die Wette gedenken. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 61(31-34), pp. 47–54. — Gibson, J. (1966). The senses considered as perceptual systems, cited in Edensor, T. (2007) Mundane mobilities, performances and spaces of tourism. Social & Cultural Geography, 8(2), pp. 199–212. — Giovanardi, M., A. Lucarelli, P. L’Espoir Decosta (2014). Co-performing tourism places: The “Pink Night” festival. Annals of Tourism Research, 44, pp. 102–115. — Hannam, K. (2009). ‘The end of tourism? Nomadology and the mobilities paradigm’. In: J. Tribe (ed.) Philosophical Issues in Tourism. Bristol: Channel View, pp. 101–113. — Hard Rock Cafe International Inc. (2018). Available at: http://www.hardrock.com/cafes/ URL [Accessed 10. Apr. 2018]. — Helbrecht, I., Dirksmeier, P. (2013). Stadt und Performanz. in: Mieg, H., Heyl, C. (eds.) Stadt. Ein interdisziplinäres Handbuch. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, pp. 283–298. — Ingold, T. (2010). Bringing Things to Life: Creative Entanglements in a World of Materials. NCRM Working Paper Series
5/2010, ESRC National Centre for Research Methods. Available at: http://eprints.ncrm.ac.uk/1306/1/0510_creative_entanglements.pdf [Accessed 10. Apr. 2018]. — Kaschuba, W. (2014). Kampfzone Stadtmitte: Wem gehört die City?, in: Jessen, J. (ed.): Zeitschrift FORUM Stadt: Altstadt für Alle? Urbanität als Zumutung, (4/2014), pp. 357–376. — Larsen, J. (2008). De‐exoticizing Tourist Travel: Everyday Life and Sociality on the Move. Leisure Studies, 27(1), pp. 21–34. — Lloyd, R., Clark, T.N. (2001). The city as entertainment machine. in: Gotham, K.F., (ed.), Critical Perspectives on Urban Redevelopment. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science. — Maitland, R., Newman, P. (2004). Developing metropolitan tourism on the fringe of central london. International Journal of Tourism Research, 6(5), pp. 339–348. — Maitland, R., Newman, P. (2009). Conclusions. in: R. Maitland, P. Newman (eds.) World Tourism Cities. Developing Tourism off the Beaten Track. London/New York: Routledge, pp. 134–142. — Maitland, R. (2010). Everyday life as a creative experience in cities. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, 4(3), pp. 176–85. — Niewöhner, J. (2014). Raum. Anthropologische Perspektiven. in: J. Oßenbrügge, A. Vogelpohl. (eds.) Theorien in der Raum- und Stadtforschung. Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, pp. 14–23. — Novy, J., Huning, S. (2009). New tourism (areas) in the ‘New Berlin’. in: R. Maitland, Newman, P., (eds.) World Tourism Cities. Developing Tourism off the Beaten Track. New York/London: Routledge, pp. 87–108. — Novy, J., Colomb, C., (eds.) (2017). Urban tourism and its discontents: an introduction. in: Protest and Resistance in the Tourist City. Oxon: Routledge. — Pappalepore, I., Maitland, R. und Smith, A. (2014). Prosuming creative urban areas. Evidence from East London. Annals of Tourism Research, 44, pp. 227–240. — Rickly, J., Hannam, K., Mostafanezhad (eds.) (2017). Introduction: ‘new’ tourism and leisure mobilities – what’s new? in: Tourism and Leisure Mobilities. Politics, Work, and Play. Oxon: Routledge, pp. 1–13. — Salazar, N., B. (2017). Afterword. in: Rickly, J., Hannam, K., Mostafanezhad, M., (eds.) Tourism and Leisure Mobilities. Politics, Work, and Play. Oxon: Routledge, pp. 248-252. — Sheller, M., Urry, J. (2004). Tourism Mobilities. Places to Play, Places in Play. London: Routledge. — Sheller, M., Urry, J. (2006). The new mobilities paradigm. Environment and Planning A, 2006, 38, pp. 207–226. — Streit Entknoten (2011). Abschlussbericht Mediationsverfahren Admrialbrücke. Ed.: Azad und Wietfeldt GbR. Berlin: Streit Entknoten. — Sommer, C., Helbrecht, I. (2017). Seeing like a tourist city: how administrative constructions of conflictive urban tourism shape its future. Journal of Tourism Futures, 3(2) pp.157–170. — Sommer, C., Kip, M. (forthcoming) Commoning in new tourism areas: Co-performing evening socials at Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg. in: Frisch, T., Sommer, C., Stoltenberg, L., Stors, N. (eds.) Tourism and Everyday Life in the Contemporary City. Oxon: Routledge. — Urry, J., Larsen, J., (2011). The Tourist Gaze 3.0. London: Sage. — van de Glind, P. (2015). The rise of the ‚peer-to-business-to-peer’ marketplace. Available at: http://www.sharenl.nl/nieuws/the-rise-of-the-peer-to-business-to-peer-marketplace [Accessed 10. Apr. 2018]. — visitBerlin (2017). Wirtschaftsfaktor 2016 für Berlin. Available at: https://about.visitberlin.de/sites/default/files/2017-08/Wirtschaftsfaktor%20Tourismus-%20und%20Kongressindustrie.pdf [Accessed 10. Apr. 2018].

Christoph Sommer works at the interface of urban studies and consulting (recently: Tourism Strategy for Berlin). He holds a diploma in Geography from LMU München and is currently pursuing his PhD at Humboldt University Berlin. He is co-founder and member of the “Urban Research Group New Urban Tourism” at the Georg Simmel Center for Metropolitan Studies.

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Urban tourism is a term describing multiple tourist activities in which city is main destination and place of interest . This form of tourism is relatively old and very complex. Cities were always purpose of many journeys and trips although it becomes more and more popular phenomenon since 50's. As a subject of research urban tourism didn't exist before 80's and till 90's was very underestimated. Tourism within cities is strongly connected with their growth and technology development as well (roads, transportation, railway).

Travelling to cities became easier, faster and in many cases cheaper than it was decades ago. Important fact is that the awareness of possibilities that come with urban tourism rose significantly over the years.

• 1 Urban tourism products
• 2 Typical urban tourism attractions
• 3 Effect of urban tourism
• 4 Trends in alternative tourism
• 5 Urban tourism paradoxes
• 6 Urban tourism top destinations
• 7 Examples of Urban tourism
• 8 Advantages of Urban tourism
• 9 Limitations of Urban tourism
• 10 Other approaches related to Urban tourism
• 11 References

Urban tourism products

City can offer variety of products or services which become objects demanded by people on the tourist market . Product , which city has to offer for tourists, can be anything material or non material, i.e. specific location, particular place ( museum , cultural, religious, entertainment), city services or even specific city development ( transport , building, architecture).

In literature there are many examples of urban tourism products like sport areas and festivals, events created to attract international and domestic tourists. Urban tourism includes many other types of tourism for example cultural tourism as culture is one of the most important motives for travelling.

In cities different forms of tourist activities are concentrated:

• sightseeing,
• visiting friends and family,
• business venues,
• participation in congresses, conferences,
• entertainment (events, clubs),

All the activities listed above are included in term in-the-city tourism , however they are not always identified as urban tourism , and could be part of other types of tourism (e.g. religious, cultural).

Growth of tourism in the cities is connected with main attributes of the city such as:

• number and diversity of attractions,
• proximity to other attractions,
• level of transport,
• quality and size of accommodation,
• effectiveness of marketing and promotion.

Typical urban tourism attractions

• historical monuments, ancient statues, unique street patterns,
• museums, art galleries,
• cinemas, concert venues, concert halls, theatres,
• convention centres, conference centres,
• nightclubs, bars, dance clubs, casinos,
• cafes, restaurants,
• shopping centres, fashion shows,
• sport facilities, amusement facilities, organized events,
• parks, green areas, botanic gardens.

Effect of urban tourism

Dynamic development of urban tourism is source of employment and growing incomes in the urban areas as well as cause of cultural and social growth (increased quality of life, income redistribution). However it brings also negative effects such as air pollution, noise and decreased availability of the city centre and attractions important to local inhabitants (parks, cultural and recreational areas).

Trends in alternative tourism

As mass urban tourism may affect the areas nowadays it is popular to speak about sustainable urban tourism (i.e. alternative tourism ). Sustainability is popular in many fields, in urban tourism it considers meeting needs of tourists and needs of local people at the same time.

Popular trend among tourists is to spend rather shorter (2-7 days) periods of time in the urban areas (weekend breaks, city breaks).

Urban tourism paradoxes

• it is hard to explain why people are attracted to visit some cities, answering question Why visit cities? involve analysing broad range of human motivations without any distinctive factor,
• selectivity - tourists usually use only a very small portion of all that city has to offer,
• rapidity - length of stay in city is relatively short,
• repetition - tourist usually don't go back to city visited,
• capriciousness - tourist are susceptible to fashion, they often change taste and attitudes towards tourists attractions,

Urban tourism top destinations

• New York City,
• Business tourism
• Cultural tourism

Examples of Urban tourism

• Sightseeing : Sightseeing is one of the most popular forms of urban tourism. It involves visiting and exploring the local attractions, monuments and landmarks of a city. For example, tourists can take a tour of the historic city center of Rome to admire the Colosseum and the Pantheon, or visit the beautiful architecture and gardens of Versailles in France.
• Shopping : Shopping is another popular form of urban tourism. Tourists can visit local markets and shops to buy souvenirs and other products, which typically represent the culture of the city. For instance, tourists visiting Paris can purchase designer clothes, luxury perfume, and other items associated with the city's fashion industry .
• Dining : Dining is also a popular form of urban tourism. Tourists can explore the city's dining options , from traditional local dishes to international cuisines. For example, tourists visiting Tokyo can enjoy the city's world-famous sushi or ramen dishes.
• Sports : Many cities offer a variety of sports activities that tourists can enjoy. For example, tourists visiting Los Angeles can attend a Lakers basketball game in the Staples Center or a Dodgers baseball game in Dodger Stadium.
• Nightlife : Cities often offer exciting nightlife experiences that tourists can enjoy. For example, tourists visiting Las Vegas can explore the city's vibrant casinos and clubs, while tourists in New York can enjoy the city's many bars and clubs.

Advantages of Urban tourism

Urban tourism provides numerous advantages to both tourists and cities. These include:

• Improved city infrastructure : Urban tourism often results in improved infrastructure within the city, including better transportation systems, improved public spaces, and better accommodation options. This can benefit both tourists and locals alike.
• Increased economic growth : Urban tourism brings in more money to the local economy, which can lead to increased job opportunities, improved public services, and better standards of living for local residents.
• Cultural enrichment : Urban tourism can bring about an increased appreciation for the culture and history of the city, and can help to preserve its unique characteristics.
• Improved local services : Urban tourism can help to improve local services, such as restaurants, retail stores, and entertainment venues, making the city a more attractive destination for tourists.
• Improved sustainability : Urban tourism can help to promote sustainable development and reduce the environmental impact of tourism by encouraging more efficient transportation and more ecologically conscious practices.

Limitations of Urban tourism

Urban tourism has some limitations that should be taken into consideration. These limitations include:

• High costs of urban tourism : Cities are usually more expensive than rural areas and the cost of accommodation, attractions, food, transportation and other services can be higher than in other tourist destinations.
• Unsustainable tourism practices : Tourists visiting cities often end up causing environmental damage, overtaxing the city’s resources, and taking away from the locals’ quality of life .
• Lack of infrastructure : Many cities do not have the infrastructure to support large influxes of tourists. This can lead to overcrowding and other safety issues.
• Security concerns : Cities can sometimes be dangerous for tourists, especially to those unfamiliar with the area.
• Lack of authenticity : Many cities are filled with tourist traps and attractions that are geared towards tourists, and not authentic local culture.
• Lack of diversity : Cities can often be homogenous in terms of attractions, cuisine, and culture, leaving little variety for those looking to explore beyond the typical tourist spots.

In conclusion, these limitations should be taken into consideration when planning a trip to an urban destination.

Other approaches related to Urban tourism

Urban tourism is a form of tourism that has been gaining more and more popularity since the 1950s. It is a complex phenomenon that is strongly connected with the growth and development of cities as well as the development of technology (roads, transportation, railway). Other approaches related to urban tourism include:

• Ecotourism - this form of tourism is focused on visiting natural sites and locations, and observing the natural environment in its original, unaltered state.
• Cultural Tourism - this type of tourism seeks to explore and experience the culture of a particular region, including its language, music, art, history and architecture.
• Shopping Tourism - this is a popular form of tourism that involves visiting cities and towns with the aim of buying new products, souvenirs and other items.
• Food and Drink Tourism - this involves travelling to a region to sample the local cuisine and drinks, and is a popular form of tourism for foodies.

In conclusion, urban tourism is a complex phenomenon which is closely connected to the growth and development of cities and technology. Other approaches related to urban tourism include Ecotourism, Cultural Tourism, Shopping Tourism and Food and Drink Tourism.

• Ashworth, G., & Page, S. J. (2011). Urban tourism research: Recent progress and current paradoxes . Tourism Management , 32(1), 1-15.
• Bramwell, B. (1998). User satisfaction and product development in urban tourism . Tourism Management, 19(1), 35-47.
• Douglas, N., & Derrett, R. (2001). Special interest tourism . John Wiley and Sons Australia, Ltd.
• Edwards, D., Griffin, T., & Hayllar, B. (2008). Urban tourism research: developing an agenda. Annals of Tourism Research , 35(4), 1032-1052.
• Gospodini, A. (2001). Urban design, urban space morphology, urban tourism: an emerging new paradigm concerning their relationship . European Planning Studies, 9(7), 925-934.
• Law, C. M. (1993). Urban tourism: attracting visitors to large cities . Mansell Publishing Limited.
• Maitland, R., & Ritchie, B. W. (Eds.). (2009). City tourism: National capital perspectives . Cabi.
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It’s been a record-setting year for global travel – here’s how we make tourism inclusive and sustainable

Inclusive and sustainable travel and tourism includes supporting micro-, small- and medium-sized businesses. Image:  Unsplash/Michael Barón

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• The global travel sector is experiencing a robust recovery, with tourists increasingly spending more on travel.
• Despite the overall positive outlook, some destinations struggle with operational challenges, including workforce issues and resource management amid rising tourist numbers and environmental concerns.
• The travel and tourism sector’s potential for advancing socio-economic prosperity is particularly impactful through the support of micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprises.

The global travel sector forecast is in and it's sunny skies ahead. Through March 2024, consumer spending on travel remains strong, and passenger traffic has soared. Empowered by a strong labour market worldwide, tourists will be on the roads, air and seas once again, with more of people’s budgets on travel.

The latest report from the Mastercard Economics Institute, Travel Trends 2024: Breaking Boundaries , reveals that 2024 has already witnessed multiple record-setting days as consumer spending on leisure travel remains strong. The data shows that post-pandemic travellers continue to seek unique experiences rooted in local cultures while increasingly prioritizing spending on memorable events across sports, music and festivals.

The Mastercard Economics Institute’s analysis reveals that travellers also seek opportunities to extend their stays, prioritizing leisure for longer. For the first 12 months between March 2019 and February 2020, a trip’s average length of stay was about four days. As of March 2024, the average length of a leisure trip has edged closer to five days, which translates into an economic boost for the destinations and communities hosting them.

Have you read?

These are the top 10 countries for travel and tourism, what is travel and tourism’s role in future global prosperity, travel & tourism development index 2024, tackling tourism’s challenges.

Yet, while the overall outlook for travellers looks bright, that’s not the case for all destinations. Some tourism hotspots and lesser-known locales are facing growing challenges around operating conditions. The World Economic Forum’s Travel & Tourism Development Index (TTDI) 2024 highlights the ongoing constraints facing the global travel and tourism sector – including the lack of investment in skilled and resilient workforces and issues around resource management – cultural and natural – as destinations grapple with higher tourist visitor numbers and rising environmental concerns.

The report offers travel and tourism decision-makers recommendations around how the sector can take a more active role in tackling social challenges across socio-economic prosperity, peace and cultural exchange. As the industry accounts for approximately one-tenth of global gross domestic product and employment , the public and private sectors must work together to ensure future tourism development is, first and foremost, inclusive and sustainable.

Supporting the backbone of travel and tourism

As the TTDI 2024 notes, one area where the sector’s potential in advancing socio-economic prosperity can be particularly impactful is in the economic empowerment of micro-, small- and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs). According to the World Travel & Tourism Council, more than 80% of travel and tourism businesses fall under this category.

Policies and investments promoting the adoption of digital solutions and enhancing digital skills development while improving access to credit can provide a major boost to tourism-focused MSMEs.

In Costa Rica, the Instituto Costariccense de Turismo, a member of Mastercard’s Tourism Innovation Hub , is championing such an approach to ensure increased tourist traffic results in better opportunities for MSMEs. Last year, the institute launched Tico Treasures , a platform facilitating tourist connections with Costa Rica’s Crafts with Identity programme, a group of 17 artisan collectives across the country. The platform allows visitors to discover local Costa Rican products, learn about artisan communities and then purchase and ship the goods back to their home country – all through one experience.

The programme is an example of public-private collaboration, including backing from Correos de Costa Rica, Banco de Costa Rica and the Instituto Costariccense de Turismo. Its objectives are multifold: delivering more authentic experiences for tourists, expanding citizens’ access to the digital economy and contributing to MSME resilience.

Protecting future environments

There are also novel approaches to solving destinations’ sustainability challenges underway. A key role of the Travel Foundation , a global non-government organization, is to facilitate innovative public-private collaborations in tourism that accelerate and scale sustainable solutions. One notable example is in Scotland, where the national tourism organization VisitScotland is partnering with the Travel Corporation, a global tour operator, to help decarbonize the destination supply chain. Both organizations are pooling their insights, data and expertise to support local businesses, develop new ideas for reducing carbon footprints and identify barriers to a green transition.

The learnings from this and other projects led by the Travel Foundation will be shared to influence future policy, investment and product development decisions at national and global levels. By combining public sector resources and capabilities with private sector technological expertise, travel and tourism decision-makers can enact policies and programmes that balance tourism growth with environmental protection, providing a nuanced approach that works for unique destinations.

It’s an important time for the sector – to leverage travel and tourism’s robust recovery and advance socio-economic prosperity, fuelling a more inclusive future for our treasured destinations. By accelerating collaboration between governments, destination management organizations and technology companies, we can ensure destinations, the communities that power them and the environments they inhabit are at the heart of all future tourism development.

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Kabi Kabi elders say 'life will still go on' in Queensland tourism hotspots after successful native title claim

Indigenous elders say a landmark native title claim in heavily urbanised and tourist destinations of south-east Queensland will not change the way people enjoy or live in the area.

The Federal Court on Monday formally recognised the Kabi Kabi people as native title holders over 365,345 hectares of land and water on Queensland's Sunshine Coast. 

The Sunshine Coast is one of the most populated areas in regional Queensland, with more than 317,000 people calling it home.

The determination marks the first occasion on Australia's east coast when native title has been recognised in a heavily urbanised area. 

Native title is the name Australian law gives to the traditional ownership of land and waters that have always belonged to Aboriginal people according to their traditions, laws and customs.

The Commonwealth Native Title Act sets out how native title rights are to be recognised and protected.

Kabi Kabi traditional owner Brian Warner said the native title declaration does not apply to any land used by the government or any freehold land that's been bought by citizens.

"It applies to Aboriginal land or unallocated state land, areas of cultural significance," Mr Warner said.

"National parks, state forests and reserves."

The decision recognises the Kabi Kabi people's non-exclusive rights to areas including Gympie, Maroochydore, Caloundra, Bribie Island, Mudjimba Island and popular tourist areas around Noosa North Shore and Teewah Beach.

Queensland South Native Title Services CEO Tim Wishart said Queenslanders and visitors will notice little, if any, difference to areas under native title even if they own property in the region.

"For mainstream Australia, native title is a relatively benign thing, it is not going to affect them," he said.

"The Kabi Kabi people were recognised as holding non-exclusive native title, that means that the rights are exercisable subject to the laws of the state and the Commonwealth. 

"They can't prohibit people from going places, they can't stop people going onto beaches, or onto Mudjimba Island or Mount Coolum. Native title isn't a grant of land, it's a recognition of rights."

Where is the Kabi Kabi native title area?

The traditional country of the Kabi Kabi People is along the Sunshine Coast from north of Brisbane to the Gregory and Isaac rivers south of Bundaberg.

The land also takes in the eastern part of the coastal ranges including the volcanic Glasshouse Mountains and the Mary River, which flows from the Conondale Ranges to the sea near Maryborough.

The court's decision only applies to Part A of the Kabi Kabi people's claim, which extends in the south from Elimbah Creek catchment area, Sandstone Point and Bribie Island, north to Cooloola National Park, Curra State Forest, Mary River and the Isis River, and in the east from lowest astronomical tide of the coastline west to Nambour, Jimna and the Burnett and Coast ranges.

Queensland South Native Title Service's Tim Wishart says Parts B and C of the claim are yet to be determined.

"Part B is a heavily urbanised area starting at about Caboolture and going south, and that's still under assessment by the state," he said.

"Part C is an area in which some other Indigenous people assert they hold native title rights. 

"The court might have to decide who has rights then, that will happen in the future, I don't know exactly when." 

There are many sacred and ceremonial sites on Kabi Kabi land including bora rings, used for gatherings, dancing, and ceremonies, as well as axe grinding and painting sites.

Will any native title land be blocked off?

Brian Warner said the short answer is, no.

"Life hasn't ended, and life will still go on the way it's been happening up until today," Mr Warner said.

"So, nothing will cease.

"The only thing is people recognising our right to reside on country or be part of a part of a local community or grassroots level or whatever level we're at."

The Kabi Kabi people have been lobbying for decades to receive native title recognition.

Their first native title claim was lodged in the mid 1990s.

Yesterday's native title ruling is the first time that the right to "take resources from the area for any purpose" is being recognised in South-East Queensland.

Mr Wishart said it did not mean Kabi Kabi people could access private properties owned under freehold title.

"Freehold title is the typical suburban block on the Sunshine Coast," he said.

"Native title doesn't exist on freehold land, and the native title holders can't access that land to exercise any of the rights that were granted to them." 

He said if anyone believed they had an area of cultural significance on their property they should engage with cultural experts who could help preserve it. 

Access important for everyone

Increasing the public's access to culturally significant land is a focus of the Kabi Kabi people and Sunshine Coast Council.

New proposed walking trails at Mount Ninderry Environmental Reserve are in the works under a project to honour the Kabi Kabi people's connection to the land, while creating all abilities access.

The council is also seeking community feedback on a new cultural education hub for the site.

Kabi Kabi man Kerry Jones said it was important to share stories of the land with everyone.

"It's a part of our story line, our legend that is connected to all these significant mountains and rivers around here," Mr Jones said.

"Kabi Kabi has been working with Council and we have the opportunity to look at new trails and share the stories of the Kabi Kabi peoples."

Why is native title important?

Brian Warner said the native title decision means Kabi Kabi people will be able to share their culture and teach others its significance.

"We still abide by the local laws that surround us," he said.

"But with the lands being given back to us, it allows us to still practice our ways and teach or educate our people that the significance of culture heritage, and we can do back burning, or cultural burning or cool burning."

"Just having a way to re-educate our people."

Mr Warner said what most people love and enjoy about the native title area's natural beauty is the same as what Indigenous people call being on country.

"Have you been on Teewah Beach at 4:30 in the morning, and there's like this magic mirror that's in front of you?" he said.

"Then that dawn comes and breaks that mirror into pieces, and behind that mirror is a humpback whale."

"You're up on Mary River, and the cloud drops out of the sky and it's snaking its way down along the river and you're standing in this cold, crisp air.

"Having you feel those moments of nature, and the beauty that's within our landscape, that's a great way of saying what it's like to be on country, it's beautiful."

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Kabi kabi people awarded native title over 365,345 hectares of land on sunshine coast.

'We're being dispossessed as we sit here': First Nations truth-telling lays bare fight for water rights

• Bribie Island
• Colonialism
• Federal - State Issues
• Government and Politics
• Indigenous Culture
• Indigenous Policy
• Maroochydore
• Native Title
• Tourism and Leisure Industry
• Travel and Tourism (Lifestyle and Leisure)

UN Tourism | Bringing the world closer

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• ‘Overtourism’? – Understanding and Managing Urban Tourism Growth beyond Perceptions

This report analyzes the perception of residents towards tourism in eight European cities – Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Copenhagen, Lisbon, Munich, Salzburg and Tallinn – and proposes 11 strategies and 68 measures to help understand and manage visitor’s growth in urban destinations.

The implementation of the policy recommendations proposed in this report can advance inclusive and sustainable urban tourism that can contribute to the New Urban Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals.

Click here   to obtain the full version of this publication.

Click here   to download the factsheet.

ISBN : 978-92-844-1999-9

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