visit australian institute of sport

Australian Institute of Sport (AIS)

Go behind the scenes on an award-winning 90-minute guided tour of Australia's premier elite sports precinct, the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS), located minutes from the Canberra city centre. Discover where Australia’s sporting champions are created and gain an insight into the life of their leading athletes.

Included is a visit to Sportex, one of Australia's leading interactive sports exhibits, set amongst a first-class collection of sporting memorabilia. Try wheelchair basketball, virtual downhill skiing, rock climbing, football penalty shootouts and more. Great fun for all ages and athletic abilities.

Be sure to visit the Australian Institute of Sport Shop whilst you are there, where you can shop like a champion for exclusive AIS merchandise and refuel at the AIS cafe.

Guided public tours depart daily from the AIS Visitor Centre, see the website for further details.

Now with the Canberra Mega Pass, you can take your Canberra trip to the next level. Take a tour of the Australian Institute of Sport, encounter animals at the National Zoo & Aquarium, and get curious at Questacon, Australia’s National Science & Technology Centre. The Canberra Mega Pass is available to book now.

TripAdvisor Traveller Rating

“interesting ”.

Booked in for the 90min tour which was enjoyable only saw a fraction of the site as it is so large. Knowledgeable guide who is an up & coming athlete. Disappointing to see some sports like volleyball...

“Sports fans a must”

Did the $20 tour. 90 min. Young contender Keely Small (800m) and her even younger long jump peer (Katie? with stress fractures) took little old me around the facilities. That was more fun than the...

“AIS tour”

Interesting tour. You tour around all the sporting areas used by the AIS scholarship athletes. Just dont eat at the cafe, overpriced and not very nice.

• Coach Parking
• Conference/Function Facilities
• Food and Refreshments
• Interactive Centre
• Non Smoking
• Parents Room
• Picnic Area
• Swimming Pool
• Public Telephone
• Public Toilet
• Shop / Gift Shop

Accessibility

• Caters for people with sufficient mobility to climb a few steps but who would benefit from fixtures to aid balance. (This includes people using walking frames and mobility aids)
• Caters for people who use a wheelchair.

Australian Institute of Sport: The AIS Tour

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Australian Institute of Sport (AIS)

Things to do bruce , canberra , australian capital territory.

Go behind the scenes on an award-winning 90-minute guided tour of Australia’s premier elite sports precinct, the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS), located minutes from the Canberra city centre. Discover where Australia’s sporting champions are created and gain an insight into the life of their leading athletes.

Included is a visit to Sportex, one of Australia’s leading interactive sports exhibits, set amongst a first-class collection of sporting memorabilia. Try wheelchair basketball, virtual downhill skiing, rock climbing, football penalty shootouts and more. Great fun for all ages and athletic abilities.

Be sure to visit the Australian Institute of Sport Shop whilst you are there, where you can shop like a champion for exclusive AIS merchandise and refuel at the AIS cafe.

Guided public tours depart daily from the AIS Visitor Centre, see the website for further details.

Now with the Canberra Mega Pass, you can take your Canberra trip to the next level. Take a tour of the Australian Institute of Sport, encounter animals at the National Zoo & Aquarium, and get curious at Questacon, Australia’s National Science & Technology Centre. The Canberra Mega Pass is available to book now.

Internet Access

Disabled Assistance

Children (5-17 years): $12.50 Adults: $20 Students and Seniors: $16. Family (up to 2 adults & 3 children): $57

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Australian institute of sport (ais).

Experience the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS).

Discover Australia’s premier elite sport precinct.

Sport is Australia’s passion, so get into the spiritand find out what it takes to become a high‑performance athlete.

Discover where Australia’s sporting champions are created and gain a unique insight into the life of elite athletes on our guided 90-minutetour for the AIS.

On one of Canberra’s most popular tours, Students will see our rich sporting past and view a window into its future.

Best of all, Sportex is included as part of every AIS Tour.

Challenge yourself in Sportex

Step into a world of fun, excitement and activity in Sportex, our interactive sports experience set among a unique collection of Australian sporting memorabilia.

Students can try wheelchair racing, skeleton, football penalty shootout and cycling and more.

Group visits

Group visits are available Monday to Friday as follows:

AIS TOUR: 8.30 am, 10.00 am, 11.30 am, 1.00 pm,2.30 pm, 4.00 pm, 5.30 pm.

SPORTEX ONLY: 7.00 pm, 8.00 pm.

Costs apply.

AIS Shop and café

Make sure you leave time to visit the AIS Shop for great sporting gear and AIS souvenirs.

Students can pre-purchase an AIS Active Pack, comprising of selected merchandise or make purchases from the full range at the AIS Shop online.

Purchases will be ready for collection when you visit the AIS.

Feeling hungry?

Our catering team, Trippas White Group, can prepare delicious and healthy morning/afternoon tea or lunch packs for your group

Online Resources

Nestlé Australia presents The Good Village. An education program developed by teachers for teachers to upskill young Australians on health, wellbeing, fitness, nutrition and sustainability. The Good Village is aligned to the Health and Physical Education (HPE) curriculum and the Sustainability cross curriculum priority area.

The Good Village  

© National Capital Educational Tourism Project / Canberra Excursions 2020 :: Credits

• Australian Institute of Sport (AIS)

Australia's premier elite sports precinct

• Attractions

Come behind the scenes, for an immersive experience into the world of Australian sporting excellence. Our guided tours visit world-class facilities where athletes train and visitors can learn about the AIS’s history.  Plus, you can see how the AIS staff support and develop Australia’s elite athletes and cutting-edge technologies used to enhance performance.

The Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) is an environment like no other.  It is Australia’s premier sports training institution located in Canberra and the only one of its kind in Australia.  Established in 1981, it serves as the national centre for sports excellence, providing world-class facilities, coaching and support services to elite athletes across a range of sports disciplines.  The AIS aims to enhance the performance and development of Australia’s top athletes, fostering their success on the international stage.

It also opens its doors for visitors, providing an inside look at the life of elite athletes and cutting-edge facilities. Visitors can learn about the rigorous training regimes, sports technology, and the achievements of Australian athletes.

The AIS plays a crucial role in Australia’s sports ecosystem, growing elite success and representation whilst also inspiring future generations.

Leverrier Street, Bruce ACT

Monday to Friday 9 am - 5 pm Weekends and Public Holidays 10 am - 4 pm

• www.ais.gov.au/visit
• +61 2 6214 1007

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Australian Institute of Sport: The AIS Tour

Getting there.

AIS Visitor Centre

26 Leverrier Street, Bruce, 2617

Select date and session

No booking fees

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Western Australian Institute of Sport Acknowledgement Scheme

Acknowledgement scheme.

After the Sports Integrity Australia review of the WAIS Women’s Artistic Gymnastics program was released in 2022, the Scheme was established to give eligible applicants the option to apply for a $15,000 payment and a restorative engagement session with a representative from the WAIS Board. The Scheme ran from 1 July 2024 to 31 August 2024.

Applications for payment received after 31 August 2024 will not be accepted.

If you applied to the Acknowledgement Payment Scheme, and would like information regarding the status of your application, or any requests for information you have received, please contact the Department of Local Government, Sport and Cultural Industries at [email protected] .

The Office of the Commissioner for Victims of Crime is working closely with the Department of Local Government, Sport and Cultural Industries to process applications quickly, and anticipates that applicants will be notified of the outcome of their applications by 30 September 2024.

WAIS Restorative Engagement Process

The Restorative Engagement sessions are available until 31 December  2024 to applicants who registered their interest before 31 August 2024.

If you are a former WAIS WAG participant who has registered an interest in participating in a restorative engagement session, and would like to  access this session, please contact [email protected] , or phone the Office of Commissioner for Victims of Crime on 1800 428 873 for further information.

The Restorative Engagement Process provides a safe and supported opportunity for a professionally facilitated restorative engagement session with a WAIS Board Representative. The session provides an opportunity for you to receive an acknowledgement and apology for the harmful practices you experienced during your time in the WAIS WAG Program. 

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Acknowledgement of Country

The Government of Western Australia acknowledges the traditional custodians throughout Western Australia and their continuing connection to the land, waters and community. We pay our respects to all members of the Aboriginal communities and their cultures; and to Elders both past and present.

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Focus areas.

May 28, 2024

Institute for the Study of War: Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, May 28, 2024

Institute for the Study of War

Christina Harward, Grace Mappes, Nicole Wolkov, Karolina Hird, and Frederick W. Kagan

May 28, 2024, 7:45pm ET

Russian President Vladimir Putin grossly misrepresented the Ukrainian Constitution and Ukrainian domestic law on May 28 in order to further promote the Kremlin information operation claiming that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is no longer the legitimate president of Ukraine.  Putin claimed on May 28 during a press conference in Tashkent, Uzbekistan that the Ukrainian Constitution provides for the extension of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada but “does not say anything about the extension of the powers of the president.”[1] Putin claimed that although the Ukrainian law on martial law prohibits presidential elections during martial law, which Ukraine was under for one month in 2018 and has been under since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, “this does not mean that [the Ukrainian president’s powers] are prolonged.” Putin cited Article 111 of the Ukrainian Constitution, which he alleged provides that “in this case…presidential powers are transferred to the speaker of the parliament.” Putin claimed that “the only legitimate authority” remaining in Ukraine is the Verkhovna Rada and the Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada. Putin claimed that “if [the Verkhovna Rada] wanted to hold presidential elections, then the law on martial law would have been abolished…and elections would be held.” 

The Ukrainian Constitution states that “if the term of office of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine expires during the period of martial law or a state of emergency, its powers shall be extended until the day of the first meeting of the first session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine elected after the abolition of the state of martial law or emergency.”[2] The Ukrainian law “On the Legal Regime of Martial Law” prohibits “conducting elections for the President of Ukraine” while martial law is in effect.[3] Putin inaccurately cited Article 111 of the Ukrainian Constitution, however, which actually states: “The President of Ukraine may be removed from office by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine by impeachment if he commits treason or another crime.”[4] Article 112 describes how “the performance of the duties of the President of Ukraine for the period before the election and entry into office of the new President of Ukraine is entrusted to the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.” Article 112, however, specifies that this transfer of power from the President to the Speaker only applies “in the case of  early termination  [emphasis added] of the powers of the President of Ukraine in accordance with Articles 108, 109, 110, 111 of this Constitution,” which describe how “the powers of the President of Ukraine are prematurely terminated in the event of their resignation, inability fulfill their powers due to their health, removal from office by impeachment, and death.” Putin’s baseless claim that the Verkhovna Rada could abolish martial law and hold presidential elections “if [it] wanted to” is also incorrect, as the law “On the Legal Regime of Martial Law” states that “before the end of the period for which martial law was imposed, and on the condition that the threat of attack or danger to the state independence of Ukraine and its territorial integrity is eliminated, the President of Ukraine may issue a decree on the abolition of martial law on the entire territory of Ukraine or in some of its localities, which must be immediately announced through the media.”[5]  Not only is the Verkhovna Rada not responsible for lifting martial law, but the Ukrainian President is also legally unable to lift martial law while Russia continues to attack Ukraine and pose a danger to Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity, as it clearly does .

Ukrainian Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Ruslan Stefanchuk directly responded to Putin’s deliberate misinterpretation of Ukrainian law and explicitly stated that the Ukrainian Constitution and laws stipulate that Zelensky remain in office until the end of martial law in Ukraine. [6] Stefanchuk specifically drew attention to Part 1 of Article 108, which reads: “The President of Ukraine shall exercise their powers until the newly elected President takes office.”[7] Stefanchuk advised “curious readers” of the Ukrainian Constitution to not read “selectively.”[8] Putin observed correctly, for the first time on this issue, during his remarks in Tashkent that “this is a preliminary analysis” and “we need to take a closer look.”[9]

Russian allegations about Zelensky’s lack of legitimacy are a known Kremlin information operation that Kremlin officials have been promoting extensively in recent weeks, in part targeted at foreign audiences.  Putin made similar claims rejecting Zelensky as the president of Ukraine during a press conference in Minsk, Belarus on May 24.[10] Russian Ambassador to the US Anatoly Antonov also denied Zelensky’s legitimacy in an interview with  Newsweek  on May 25.[11] Putin’s May 28 allegations contain specific legal jargon and references – largely incorrect or taken out of their legal context – to the text of the Ukrainian Constitution and laws. Putin is likely purposely inflating his statements with such nuanced legalese language to make it seem that he is highly educated in Ukrainian legal matters and is a definitive voice on the matter. The use of such language is likely also meant to cause listeners to believe Putin’s false narratives without fact-checking, as legal jargon is inherently dense and opaque. The Ukrainian Constitution and the law relating to martial law, however, are not so opaque that a normal reader cannot understand them. The fact that Kremlin officials have recently promoted these narratives in detail at events in foreign countries and major Western publications suggests that this Kremlin information operation is largely aimed at foreign – predominantly Western – audiences.

Reuters   paraphrased Putin’s statements under a headline that misrepresented even the thrust of Putin’s comments on May 28 but did not note the obvious errors in Putin’s claims.[12] Reuters   wrote that “Zelensky has not faced an election despite the expiry of his term, something he and Kyiv’s allies deem the right decision in wartime” without offering the actual legal context that Putin’s comments misrepresented the Ukrainian legal framework that specifically stipulates that martial law remains in force, that presidential elections not be held during Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine’s independent and sovereign territory and people and that Zelensky remains the legitimate president of Ukraine until his successor takes office.

Russian forces recently conducted four reduced-company-sized or smaller mechanized assaults on multiple operational axes in Donetsk Oblast without making significant advances, likely to test Ukrainian reactions following the first wave of the Russian offensive effort in northern Kharkiv Oblast.  Footage published on May 27 and 28 shows Russian forces conducting reinforced platoon-sized mechanized attacks east of Chasiv Yar and east of Novopokrovske (northwest of Avdiivka) and roughly-company sized mechanized attacks near Novomykhailivka (southwest of Donetsk City) and in Staromayorske (south of Velyka Novosilka).[13] Russian forces only marginally advanced in the attacks east of Novopokrovske and in Staromayorske and did not make confirmed advances near Chasiv Yar or Novomykhailivka. Russian forces have reduced their tempo of attacks and advances in northern Kharkiv Oblast and increased their tempo of attacks in the Pokrovsk (Avdiivka) direction in recent days.[14] These Russian mechanized attacks – one across each of Russia’s current four operational axes – are limited in comparison to prior Russian mechanized attacks at the start of or during a dedicated offensive effort. The May 27 and 28 attacks were likely intended to gauge Ukrainian forces’ reactions and defensive abilities in the Donetsk direction. The recent Russian offensive effort in northern Kharkiv Oblast likely aimed to take advantage of Ukrainian manpower and materiel shortages before anticipated Western military assistance arrives at the frontline and create opportunities for Russian forces elsewhere, and Russian forces likely aimed to test whether and where any of these opportunities for exploitation may exist on the Donetsk Oblast frontline.[15]

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE)’s Committee on Culture supported a resolution that recognizes Russia’s deliberate erasure of Ukrainian culture as an element of Russia’s genocidal campaign in occupied Ukraine, consistent with ISW’s longstanding assessment that Russia is pursuing a broad occupation strategy premised on eradicating Ukraine’s national identity and independence.  PACE Committee on Culture Chairperson and Ukrainian Servant of the People Representative Yevheniia Kravchuk stated on May 28 that the PACE Culture Committee unanimously supported her resolution on “Countering the Destruction of Cultural Identity in War and Peace,” which the Committee will vote on in June 2024 and notably recognizes that Russia uses “cultural purges” as a tool of war in Ukraine that indicate “specific genocidal intent to destroy the Ukrainian nation by destroying Ukrainian identity and culture.”[16] Kravchuk emphasized that the resolution affirms that Russia’s cultural genocide in Ukraine is part of the wider genocidal campaign that Russia is pursuing against the Ukrainian people. If PACE’s Culture Committee adopts the resolution in June 2024, it would represent an important international recognition of cultural genocide as a constituent element of a wider genocidal policy.[17] International legal procedure has not yet created an official legal definition for cultural genocide, and it is not formally defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.[18] The Genocide Convention, however, defines genocidal acts as those that intend to destroy “in whole or in part” a specific group, and Russia’s pursuit of cultural genocide in Ukraine is explicitly intended to destroy the Ukrainian nation and people “in whole or in part.”[19] ISW has reported at length on Russian efforts to destroy Ukrainian cultural, linguistic, and historic heritage in occupied Ukraine and completely supplant it with Russian cultural conceptions.[20] Russia’s cultural genocide in Ukraine cannot be viewed in isolation from its wider genocidal policy in Ukraine, as it is a fundamental component of Russia’s efforts to completely subsume and subjugate Ukraine and its people.

Russian authorities are preparing to intensify the deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia throughout Summer 2024, further consolidating another component of Russia’s genocidal campaign in Ukraine.  Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR) Head Leonid Pasechnik announced on May 27 that Russian federal subjects (regions that are constituent entities of the Russian Federation) will “host” over 12,000 children from occupied Luhansk Oblast over the course of 2024 and that the Russian “Useful Vacations” program will sponsor 40,000 children from occupied Ukraine to “visit” Russia for summer camps and educational activities.[21] Pasechnik also reported that summer camps for children in occupied Crimea and within Russia are preparing to “host” over 600 children from occupied Ukraine throughout the summer, including the “Okean” summer camp in Vladivostok, Primorsky Krai (which is closer to Alaska than it is to Ukraine).[22] The Kherson Oblast occupation Ministry of Labor also announced that an unspecified number of children from occupied Kherson Oblast will travel to the “Okean” camp for an “educational, sport, and cultural program.”[23] Kherson Oblast occupation senator Andrey Alekseenko reported on May 27 that 575 children from occupied Kherson Oblast will attend three-week summer camps in occupied Crimea and in Russia’s Adygea Republic on Russian federal subject funds.[24] The LNR’s Ministry of Education and Science reported that an unspecified number of adolescents from occupied Luhansk Oblast will attend a military-patriotic sports camp at the “Avangard” camp in Russia’s Volgograd Oblast and train in military engineering, tactics, fires, parachuting, communications, national security fundamentals, drone operation, and tactical medicine.[25]

Despite Russian efforts to frame summer camps for Ukrainian children as temporary recreational and educational affairs, they are a fundamental component of Russia’s campaign to deport Ukrainians, including children, to Russia.[26] The forcible transfer of children from one group to another is a recognized act constituting genocide, and Russia’s multifaceted schemes deporting Ukrainian children to Russia may therefore be classed as genocidal acts.[27] Ukrainian children who have been deported to Russia for such “vacations” or “summer camps” face Russification programs premised on isolating them from their Ukrainian families, language, culture, and history.[28] Russian authorities will likely escalate deportation efforts throughout the summer under the guise of summer vacations, but these programs represent genocidal acts against the Ukrainian people despite Russian efforts to cloak them as temporary and positive educational opportunities.

Iran’s continued support for Russia’s defense industrial base (DIB) and provision of lethal aid to Russia is bolstering Russia’s technological output and military capabilities on the battlefield in Ukraine.  The  Wall Street Journal  ( WSJ ) published a report on May 28 detailing Russian efforts to produce Shahed-136/131 drones at the Alabuga Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in the Republic of Tatarstan using Iranian-provided technologies and a labor force recruited largely from eastern Africa.[29]  WSJ  cited the international hacking group Prana Network, which reportedly hacked an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) email server in February 2024 and revealed that Russia intends to produce 6,000 Shahed drones at the Alabuga SEZ in 2024 alone. The Institute for Science and International Security (IISS) assessed that the Alabuga SEZ has already produced 4,500 Shaheds as of the end of April 2024, ahead of schedule, and could produce all 6,000 by mid-August 2024.[30]  WSJ  found that Russia is currently producing more advanced models of Iranian Shaheds domestically and intensively using them to strike Ukraine.[31]  WSJ  also noted that Russian authorities are recruiting from African countries, particularly Uganda, and especially enticing young women to participate in work-study programs at Alabuga to produce Shahed drones. Russia would not be able to operate the Alabuga SEZ without Iran’s consistent support for the Russian war effort—Iranian production models for Shahed drones and Iranian drone technologies are at the center of the entire Alabuga enterprise.[32] German outlet  BILD  similarly reported on May 27 that   Iran has also likely supplied Russia with Qaem-5 television-guided air-to-ground bombs, which Iran started producing as recently as 2019.[33]  BILD  noted that an Iranian-provided Mohajer-6 drone carrying the Qaem-5 bombs crashed in Kursk Oblast for an unknown reason but that Russian forces may have intended to strike Sumy Oblast. ISW has not yet observed confirmation that Russia has used these projectiles in Ukraine, but their use would be consistent with the pattern of continued and intensified Iranian military support to Russia.[34]

The Georgian Parliament overrode Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili’s veto of Georgia’s Russian-style “foreign agents” law in an 84-to-4 vote on May 28.  Sixty-six Georgian parliament members spoke against the presidential veto.[35] The Georgian Constitution requires Zurabishvili to sign and publish the law within three days of the vote, but if she refuses, Georgian Parliament Chairperson Shalva Papuashvili can sign and publish the law within five days of the vote.[36] Papuashvili is a member of the ruling Georgian Dream party, which initiated the foreign agents bill, and will therefore likely sign the bill into law, as Zurabishvili will likely refuse to sign the bill into law given her initial veto of the bill. Zurabishvili addressed protestors against the foreign agents bill outside the Georgian parliament on May 28 and called on Georgian protestors to gather signatures to allow her to call for a referendum on the foreign agents bill.[37]  Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s  Georgian service noted that the Georgian Constitution allows the president to call for a referendum at the request of the parliament, the government, or at least 200,000 citizens, but that holding a referendum requires signatures from both the president and prime minister in cases when the parliament or citizens call for a referendum.[38] Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze would likely oppose such a referendum against the foreign agents bill. Kobakhidze claimed that the passage of the foreign agents law will strengthen Georgia’s sovereignty and improve its chances to achieve European Union (EU) membership.[39] The EU has repeatedly emphasized that the Georgian foreign agents law “goes against EU core principles and values,” that the law’s enactment “leads to a backsliding on at least three out of the nine steps” that the EU Commission recommended for Georgia’s EU candidacy status, and that the law negatively impacts Georgia’s path to EU membership.[40] ISW continues to assess that Georgian Dream actors likely intend to purposefully derail long-term Georgian efforts for Euro-Atlantic integration, which plays into continued Russian hybrid operations to divide, destabilize, and weaken Georgia.[41]

A limited segment of the Russian ultranationalist information space has resumed its standard public criticisms of the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) and warned that new Defense Minister Andrei Belousov may not solve certain systemic issues within the Russian MoD and military.  A Russian milblogger and former Storm-Z instructor warned that any “emerging progress” from Belousov’s appointment and the dismissals of several senior defense officials may “not be allowed” to go far enough to address systemic issues currently hindering the Russian war in Ukraine.[42] The former Storm-Z instructor particularly highlighted the poor, incomplete, and short training of new personnel as having a compounding effect on other systemic issues, including “excessive and unjustifiably” high casualties, no troop rotations, poor tactical and operational decision-making, degradation of combat-experienced units, inability to preserve combat knowledge, and lack of command-staff accountability.[43] The Storm-Z instructor claimed that these issues are all interconnected and cyclical and that Russia has accumulated significant reserves that are not undergoing training due to these systemic issues.[44] Other Russian milbloggers, many of whom frequently complained about the Russian MoD prior to the mass MoD dismissals in late April-May 2024, agreed with the Storm-Z instructor and claimed that Russian “middle management” has been operating under the assumption that the current war in Ukraine is not actually a war, which is consistent with prior milblogger complaints that the Kremlin has failed to mobilize Russian society into a wartime mindset.[45] The Storm-Z instructor claimed that the fact that certain high-ranking officials, such as Chief of the General Staff Army General Valery Gerasimov, have retained their positions further supports this complaint and that the appointments of new deputy defense ministers will indicate whether or not Belousov may be able to solve some of these systemic issues.[46]

The Russian ultranationalist information space has largely praised Belousov and the dismissals and arrests of senior Russian defense officials thus far. The milbloggers’ praise of Belousov and the dismissals comes with harsh criticisms of the corruption and ineptitude under former Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, representing a significant break with the self-censorship largely enforced by the MoD following the Wagner Group rebellion in June 2023.[47] The condemnation of the MoD’s ineptitude prior to the dismissals and the resulting praise for Belousov’s appointment has largely benefited the MoD thus far as it helps rehabilitate the MoD’s image to Putin’s core ultranationalist constituency, secure their loyalty, and message to MoD officials that no one is safe from the consequences of falling from Putin’s favor.[48] The former Storm-Z instructor’s warning and resulting skepticism among like-minded milbloggers may represent the start of a return to prior complaints that undermined the MoD. The former Storm-Z instructor highlighted in his complaint that he was censoring himself throughout the conversation, suggesting that the MoD may not intend to lift censorship and self-censorship requirements on Russian milbloggers even if the bounds on what is acceptable criticism have shifted in the short term.[49]

Portugal and Belgium both signed long-term bilateral security agreements with Ukraine on May 28.  Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Portuguese Prime Minister Luís Montenegro signed a bilateral security agreement during Zelensky’s visit to Lisbon on May 28.[50] The bilateral security agreement provides for at least €126 million ($138 million) in Portuguese military support for Ukraine in 2024 and reaffirms Portugal’s commitment to Ukraine through various international cooperation platforms. Zelensky also met with Belgian Prime Minister Alexander de Croo in Brussels on May 28 and signed a long-term bilateral security agreement with Belgium that provides for at least €977 million ($1 billion) in Belgian military aid to Ukraine in 2024, as well as continued military support for the next 10 years.[51] Zelensky noted that the bilateral Ukraine-Belgium agreement also specifies that Belgium will provide 30 F-16 jets to Ukraine by 2028, including an unspecified number sometime in 2024.[52] Belgium and Portugal are the eleventh and twelfth countries, respectively, to sign long-term bilateral security agreements with Ukraine.[53]

Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed support on May 28 for delisting the Taliban as a prohibited organization in Russia, indicating that Russia will likely do so soon.  Putin stated that it is necessary for Russia to build relations with the Taliban because the Taliban controls Afghanistan.[54] Putin claimed that Russia is considering the opinion of each country in the region surrounding Afghanistan and will work with them when Russia considers whether to recognize the Taliban. Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev stated on May 28 that Russia is close to establishing “fully-fledged” relations with the Taliban.[55] Russia has maintained contacts with the Taliban since the Taliban deposed the Afghan government in August 2021, and ISW recently assessed that Russia may be hoping to leverage its relationship with the Taliban to degrade the Taliban’s adversary, Afghan-based Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP), which conducted the March 22 Crocus City Hall attack in Moscow.[56] Putin’s statement that Russia is working with the countries of the region when considering whether to recognize the Taliban indicates that Russia likely is following Central Asian states in normalizing relations with the Taliban.

Key Takeaways:

• Russian President Vladimir Putin grossly misrepresented the Ukrainian Constitution and Ukrainian domestic law on May 28 in order to further promote the Kremlin information operation claiming that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is no longer the legitimate president of Ukraine.
• Ukrainian Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Ruslan Stefanchuk directly responded to Putin’s deliberate misinterpretation of Ukrainian law and explicitly stated that the Ukrainian Constitution and laws stipulate that Zelensky remain in office until the end of martial law in Ukraine.
• Russian allegations about Zelensky’s lack of legitimacy are a known Kremlin information operation that Kremlin officials have been promoting extensively in recent weeks, in part targeted at foreign audiences.
• The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE)’s Committee on Culture supported a resolution that recognizes Russia’s deliberate erasure of Ukrainian culture as an element of Russia’s genocidal campaign in occupied Ukraine, consistent with ISW’s longstanding assessment that Russia is pursuing a broad occupation strategy premised on eradicating Ukraine’s national identity and independence.
• Russian authorities are preparing to intensify the deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia throughout Summer 2024, further consolidating another component of Russia’s genocidal campaign in Ukraine.
• Iran’s continued support for Russia’s defense industrial base (DIB) and provision of lethal aid to Russia is bolstering Russia’s technological output and military capabilities on the battlefield in Ukraine.
• The Georgian Parliament overrode Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili’s veto of Georgia’s Russian-style “foreign agents” law in an 84-to-4 vote on May 28.
• A limited segment of the Russian ultranationalist information space has resumed its standard public criticisms of the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) and warned that new Defense Minister Andrei Belousov may not solve certain systemic issues within the Russian MoD and military.
• Portugal and Belgium both signed long-term bilateral security agreements with Ukraine on May 28.
• Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed support on May 28 for delisting the Taliban as a prohibited organization in Russia, indicating that Russia will likely do so soon.
• Ukrainian forces recently made confirmed advances near Lyptsi, and Russian forces recently made confirmed advances near Avdiivka and the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area.
• The Russian military is reportedly intensifying efforts to recruit citizens from Central African countries to fight in Ukraine.

Wilson Center

Forced displacement represents one of the most pressing humanitarian issues of our time. Individuals and families, torn from the fabric of their communities, find themselves navigating a world of uncertainty, often without basic necessities or a clear path to safety. There are currently some 110 million forced displaced, and this number is growing by 10 million each year!

At the heart of this crisis are the political triggers. Armed conflicts, ethnic or religious persecutions, and systemic human rights abuses force millions to flee their homes in terror. Many are displaced within their own national boundaries, while others seek asylum abroad. If these factors change as a result of political shifts at home or the pressures from abroad, they can return to their homes. Forced displacement is thus different from environmentally driven displacement, as victims of climate change may never be able to return to their homes.

The ramifications of any sort of displacement are profound, not just for those directly affected, but also for host communities and countries. Overburdened infrastructures, socio-economic strains, and cultural tensions can arise, necessitating comprehensive strategies to foster harmony and integration. Yet the root causes of forced displacement can be remedied with a concerted focus by local players and international diplomacy.

Organizations like Refugees International play a crucial role in this arena, advocating for the rights and needs of the displaced, conducting on-the-ground assessments, and influencing policymakers to take informed actions. Their relentless work underscores the gravity of the situation and the urgency ofinternational cooperation. But they, too, are overwhelmed by the rapid expansion of the crisis.

International Humanitarian Law (IHL), with its core principles centered on the protection of civilians during conflicts, plays a pivotal role in this discourse. Yet, despite clear legal frameworks, compliance remains inconsistent. This initiative emphasizes the importance of upholding and reinforcing these international standards.

It’s not just about recognizing the problem; it’s about active engagement. We urge governments, organizations, and individuals to prioritize the rights and needs of the forced displaced. Through collective efforts, informed policies, and sustained advocacy, we can shift the narrative from passive acknowledgment to proactive intervention.

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Primorsky Krai, Russia

The capital city of Primorye krai: Vladivostok .

Primorsky Krai - Overview

Primorsky Krai (informally Primorye ) is a federal subject of Russia located in the south-eastern part of the country, in the south of the Far East, part of the Far Eastern Federal District. Vladivostok is the capital city of the region.

The population of Primorsky Krai is about 1,863,000 (2022), the area - 164,673 sq. km.

Primorye krai flag

Primorye krai coat of arms.

Primorye krai map, Russia

Primorye krai latest news and posts from our blog:.

20 September, 2017 / Vladivostok - the view from above .

23 July, 2015 / Gamov lighthouse - the easternmost lighthouse in Russia .

24 February, 2014 / Abandoned shelter-base for Soviet submarines .

11 September, 2012 / These tanks are not afraid to go under the water .

28 April, 2012 / First demonstration flights of new Russian combat helicopters .

More posts..

News, notes and thoughts:

18 August, 2011   / A shark attacked a 16-year-old youth in Russia's Primorye region, officials said, a day after a man lost his hands in a similar shark attack unprecedented for the region. What is wrong with the sharks all over the world?

9 January, 2011   / A bear apparently wounded by hunters broke into a school in the Primorye Territory in Russia's Far East, police said Sunday. Yeah, bears walking the streets of Russian cities.

History of Primorsky Krai

The first people settled in the region more than 30 thousand years ago. According to ancient legends, the coastal line was densely inhabited. In the Middle Ages, there were three empires on the territory of Primorye, which successively replaced each other: Bohai (698-926), Jin (1115-1234), Eastern Xia (1215-1233).

In the early 13th century, the territory of East Asia suffered the Mongol invasion. This led to the fall of the empire of Jin, but some provinces in the east preserved independence and formed an independent state known as Eastern Xia. In 1233, after another invasion this state ceased to exist too.

After that, the region was in ruins and attracted people persecuted in surrounding countries (bandits, adventurers, political dissidents). The first documented Russian presence in the region dates back to the summer of 1655, when the northern Primorye was visited by Russian Cossacks under the command of Onuphrius Stepanov.

In the middle of the 19th century, the Russian Empire began to strengthen its position in the north-west coast of the Pacific Ocean. In 1856, Primorskaya oblast was formed from the coastal parts of Eastern Siberia and Kamchatka. The territory of present Primorye was incorporated into the Russian state on the basis of Aigun (1858) and Beijing (1860) peace treaties that legalized the border between Russia and China.

More historical facts…

Since then, the southern part of Primorye took its current shape. In 1860, Vladivostok was founded as a military post. Russian migration in the region began. In 1899, the Oriental Institute was opened in Vladivostok - the first higher educational institution in Eastern Siberia and the Far East, and one of the oldest in East Asia.

Further strengthening of Russian positions in the Far East was limited by the small size of the Russian population and remoteness from populated parts of the empire. Regular communication between St. Petersburg and Vladivostok was established after the completion of the Trans-Siberian Railway in 1903.

From 1861 to 1917, about 250,000 peasants arrived in Primorye and founded 342 settlements. In 1917, the population of Primorye amounted to 307,000 people. By the mid-1920s, the local population reached 600,000 people. In the 1930s, forced industrialization and collectivization began which led to another wave of migration. The migration was both voluntary and forced (prisoners).

In 1937-1938, about 200,000 people of Korean and Chinese nationalities were forcibly deported from the region. Until the end of the 1980s, as a result of ethnic deportations, the Chinese and Koreans disappeared from the national composition of the population of Primorye.

In the summer of 1938, on the southern boundary of Primorye, in the area of Lake Khasan, there were military clashes between Manchukuo (a puppet state under Japanese control) and the Soviet Union. After two weeks of fighting, the USSR was able to repel the aggression. On October 20, 1938, Primorsky Krai with the capital in Vladivostok was formed.

After the end of the Second World War, Primorsky Krai continued to develop as a major industrial and agricultural region of the Far East also specializing in the extraction of natural resources. Rail and sea transport played a significant role in the local economy. Migration from the European part of Russia and Siberia continued, which led to an increase of population of the region from 1,381,000 people in 1959 to 1,978,000 in 1979.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the region’s economy went into decline, reverse migration in the European part of Russia began. At the beginning of the 21st century, the social and economic situation in Primorsky Krai improved.

Beautiful nature of Primorsky Krai

On the coast in Primorsky Krai

Author: Andrej Serbskij

Hilly landscape of Primorsky Krai

Author: Kazakov Igor

Primorye scenery

Author: Viktor Koblov

Primorsky Krai - Features

Primorsky Krai is located in the south of the Far East, in the south-eastern part of the Russian Federation. It is bordered by Khabarovsk Krai in the north, China in the west, North Korea in the south-west, and is washed by the Japan Sea in the south and east. The largest cities are Vladivostok (601,300), Ussuriysk (172,000), Nakhodka (140,200), Artyom (104,500).

The maximum length of Primorsky Krai (from the mouth of the Tumannaya River to the source of the Samarga River) is about 900 km, the maximum width (from the valley of the Ussuri River to the coast of the Sea of Japan) - about 280 km. The highest peak is Mount Anik (1,933 meters) located in the north-easton of the region, near the border with Khabarovsk krai.

The climate of Primorye is temperate monsoon. Winters are dry and cold with sunny weather; springs are long, cool, with frequent changes of temperature; summers are warm and humid; autumns as a rule are warm and dry.

The main peculiarity - lots of precipitation and fog in summer. Summer is the period of typhoons. The average temperature in July is about plus 17-21 degrees Celsius, in January - minus 8-23 degrees Celsius.

Primorsky Krai - Economy

A number of large and unique deposits of various minerals have been discovered in Primorye. This region has the most powerful mining industry in the Far East of Russia. There are about 100 coal deposits (2.4 billion tons), 30 deposits of tin, 15 deposits of complex ores containing zinc, lead, copper, and silver. Gold deposits are located both in the south of the region and in the north.

The largest in Russia deposit of boron is located near the town of Dalnegorsk. Several phosphorite deposits are discovered on the shelf of the Sea of Japan. There are also several small oil fields, large deposits of germanium. Mountain rivers have significant hydropower potential. Diverse forests cover about 80% of the territory.

Primorsky Krai is the most developed region in the Russian Far East due to its favorable geographic location and abundance of various natural resources. The local economy is based on such industries as mining, timber, fisheries, trade, shipbuilding and repairing.

Primorye has a relatively well-developed transportation network. The main traffic artery is the eastern section of the Trans-Siberian Railway. Due to its proximity to Japan and the Republic of Korea (imports of relatively cheap used cars), Primorsky Krai occupies the first place in Russia in the number of vehicles in the population.

The seaports of Primorsky Krai play an important role in the economy of Russia. The largest container terminals in the Russian Far East are located here. Regional and international air flights are carried out from Vladivostok International Airport.

Attractions of Primorsky Krai

Primorsky Krai is known for its rich flora and fauna, the variety of landscapes, the warm sea in the south, springs with healing water. All this creates favorable conditions for tourism development.

In Primorye, there are more than 500 unique natural sites (lakes, waterfalls, ancient extinct volcanoes, caves, bays). There are six nature reserves and three national parks:

• Far East Marine Reserve in the Gulf of Peter the Great,
• “Kedrovaya Pad” Reserve,
• Lazovsky Reserve,
• Sikhote-Alin Reserve included in the UNESCO World Heritage List,
• Ussuri Nature Reserve,
• Khanka Reserve,
• “The Call of the Tiger”,
• “Udege Legend”,
• “The Land of the Leopard”.

The following places of interest are also noteworthy:

• The Rope Park in Andreevka - a sports-tourist trail that includes elements of sports tourism and mountaineering,
• Shanduyskie lakes - mountain lakes located in the north of Primorye,
• “Black Sand” beach located near the village of Zarubino in Aleut Bay - an interesting beach with volcanic black sand, which is considered to be curative,
• The lighthouse on the southern tip of Gamov Peninsula. Gamov Peninsula is the pearl of Primorye and the Far East.

Primorye krai of Russia photos

Landscapes of primorsky krai.

On the shore of the Sea of Japan in Primorsky Krai

Author: Konstantin Tkachenko

Primorsky Krai scenery

Small river in Primorye

Author: Melnitsky Stanislav

Primorsky Krai views

Forest in Primorsky Krai

Primorye landscape

Village in Primorsky Krai

Author: Roman Mikulchik

The comments of our visitors

So has the problem of Customs and Border controls been sorted out. The Area has a good future if red tape does not stifle the economics of trade (and survival). Francis

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